Mr. Willie James Cobb

Mr. Willie James Cobb

Mr. Willie James Cobb

Mr. Willie James Cobb better known as “Pap” of 1417 North Lee Street, Americus, Georgia died Monday, August 22, 2016 at Lillian G. Carter Health and Rehabilitation Center in Plains, Georgia.

The visitation will be held Thursday, August 25, 2016 from 1:00 p. m. until 8:00 p. m. at the J. W. Williams Funeral Home, 407 West 17th Avenue, Cordele, Georgia.

The funeral service will be held Friday, August 26, 2016 at 10:00 a. m. in the sanctuary of the Union Tabernacle Baptist Church in Americus, Georgia.  The burial will follow at the Eastview Cemetery in Americus, Georgia.

Mr. Donald Ramon Bates

Mr. Donald Ramon Bates

Mr. Donald Ramon Bates

Funeral services for Mr. Donald R. Bates age 69, of Americus, Georgia will be held on Friday, September 9, 2016 at 10:00 A.M. at United Holiness Church on Aaron Snipes Dr. Americus, GA with Bishop Arthur Fulton officiating. Burial will follow on Monday, September 12, 2016 at 10:00 A.M. at the Andersonville National Cemetery.

Donald Ramon Bates was born on January 14, 1947 in Marietta, Georgia to the parentage of Clarence Sr. and Katherine Elizabeth Bates. Donald transitioned peacefully to his heavenly home surrounded by his devoted wife and other loved ones on Saturday, September 3, 2016. He is preceded in death by his parents and siblings, Essie Word, Evelyn Kilgore, Hattie Emma Bates and Leroy Bates and a daughter Shana Baker.

He graduated from Lincoln University, Jefferson City, MO with a B.S. in Physical Health and Education. Donald was a Life-Time member of Kappa Alpha Psi Fraternity. He entered the U.S. Army upon graduating from Lincoln as a 2nd Lt. in Military Intelligence and served in Vietnam where he was awarded several medals. He was honorably discharged from the Army as a Captain. He was employed for 20 years at Procter and Gamble and 14 years at Tara Foods (Kroger). He was also Human Resource Consultant with Cello-Foil Corporation, Albany, Georgia.

Donald was a loving husband and a father of five. He leaves to cherish his memories, a devoted wife of 24 years, Aretha Sanders Bates of Americus, GA; two sons: Anthony Bates of Memphis, TN and Marcell Baker (Nadia) of Americus, GA; two daughters: April Raines (Gabriel) of Newnan, GA and Amber Bates of Jonesboro, LA; his siblings: Delores Miller of Detroit, MI, Randy Bates of Ft. Lauderdale, FL and Clarence (Mary) Bates, Jr. of Marietta, GA. Also surviving are brothers and sisters-in-law and their spouses, Robert (Lynette) Sanders, Jr. of Americus, GA, M. Margaret Bates of Ft. Lauderdale, FL, Martha (Frank) Townsley & Mary (Albert) Mack of Miami, FL, Mattie (Ret. Presiding Elder M.S.) Colquitt, Alma (S.T.) Solomon & Katie Ruth Watts all of Americus, GA; Lillie Ruth McCoy, Bobbie Jean (Nathaniel) Armstrong & Lorene Sanders, Atlanta, GA; six grandchildren and a host of nieces, nephews, cousins and other relatives and friends.

Ms. Carolyn Ann Terry

Ms. Carolyn Ann Terry

Ms. Carolyn Ann Terry

Memorial services for Ms. Carolyn Ann Terry of Americus, Georgia will be held on Saturday, August 27, 2016 at 11:00 A.M. in the Chapel of West’s Mortuary.

Ms. Carolyn Ann Terry was born in Sumter County, Georgia on December 29, 1953 to the parentage of Mrs. Lena Mae Hunt and the late Mr. Charlie Terry, Jr.  She was preceded in death by her grandparents: Annie and Charlie Terry, Sr. and Mary and Willie Jerkins; four uncles: Rev. E.L. Clark, Randolph Terry, Walter Terry and Johnny Terry.

She joined the Union Tabernacle Baptist Church. She received her education in the public schools of Sumter County. Carolyn died peacefully on Monday, August 22, 2016 at the Pinehill Nursing Center in Byromville, Georgia.

She leaves to cherish her memories her mother, Lena Mae Hunt of Americus, GA; five sisters: Mary (Eddie) Quwenty, Mary Christmas both of Americus, GA, Taresa (Ronald) Sims, Wendy Terry, and Frankie (Mike) Anderson of Tampa, Florida; four brothers: Larry (Karen) Terry of Albany, GA, David Hunt of Baton Rouge, LA, Edward (Robie) Hunt of Dublin, GA and Rev. Charlie (Capathia) Sampson of Plant City, FL; six aunts: Linda (David) Vickers of Miramar, FL, Evelyn Terry and Gladys Clark both of Americus, GA, Elnora Terry of Miami, FL, Barbara Terry of Atlanta, GA and a devoted aunt, Shirley Terry-Lundy of Americus, GA; two uncles: Simmel Terry of Americus, GA and David Vickers of Miramar, FL; a host of nieces and nephews including two devoted nieces: Clarissa Lewis of Fayetteville, GA and Malencia Lewis of Americus, GA; a devoted friend, Mikita Milner; a host of other loving relatives and friends.

Mr. Ernest Will Brown, III

Mr. Ernest Will Brown, III

Mr. Ernest Will Brown, III

Mr. Ernest Will Brown, III better as “Trey” of 1509 Metropolitan Parkway, Atlanta, Georgia died Sunday, August 21, 2016.
The funeral service will be held Saturday, August 27, 2016 at 3:00 p. m. at the Leslie Civic Center in Leslie, Georgia.  The burial will follow at the Marthana Living Way of Christ Cemetery in Desoto, Georgia.

On Wednesday, September 19, 1990, a special gift was given to Mr. Ernest Will Brown, Jr. and Ms. Antonia Deriso.   Ernest Will Brown, III was born in Americus, Sumter County, Georgia. He was affectionately called “Trey” by his family and friends.

He accepted Christ as a child and worshipped at Marthana Living Way of Christ in Desoto, Georgia. Trey was educated in the public school system of Sumter County. Always the athlete, he enjoyed playing football and basketball.

On Sunday, August 21, 2016 went home to be with the Lord. He is preceded in death by his grandparents, Mrs. Bobbie Jean Deriso Brown and Mrs. Walter Mae Brown.

He leaves cherished memories to his loving and devoted parents, Mrs. Antonia (Antonio) Thomas and Mr. Ernest Brown, Jr.; his beloved children, Iyanna Griffin of Atlanta, Georgia, Parris     Dodson of Americus, Georgia, and Karter Brown of Atlanta, Georgia; his loving siblings, Ms. Chasity Collier, Ms. Shakedrick Collier, and Ms. Asia Collier all of Atlanta, Georgia, Mr. Brandon Brown, Sr. of Americus, Georgia, Mrs. Brittany (Torris) Smith of Atlanta, Georgia, Ms. Whitney Bess of Smithville, Georgia, Mr. Joshua Brown of Ellaville, Georgia, Mr. Idiris Brown and Ms. Nykeria Brown both of Desoto, Georgia, Ms. Gloria Brown and Ms. Charity Brown both of Ellaville, Georgia, Mr. Mikhail Thomas and Mr. Zuri Thomas both of Miami, Florida; his beloved grandparents, Mr. Ira (Hazel) Fleming of Leesburg, Georgia and Mr. Ernest Brown, Sr. of Leslie, Georgia; his great grandfather, Mr. Authur Deriso of Desoto, Georgia; his great grandmother, Mrs. Willie Pearl Wright of Smithville, Georgia; his aunts and uncles, Mr. Lorenzo Deriso of Desoto, Georgia, Mr. Tyrone (Taurus) Morgan of Smithville, Georgia, Mr. Gregory Brown of Vienna, Georgia, Mr. Tony (Betty) Brown of Cordele, Georgia, Mr. Jeffrey Brown of Albany, Georgia, Mr. Timothy (Joann) Brown of  Dunkirk, New York, Mr. Casey Thomas of Columbia, South Carolina, Mr. Timmy (Tiffany) Thomas of Columbus, Georgia, Mr. Stanley Pitts, Mr. Michael Fleming, Mrs. Melissa (Arthur) Walker and Ms. Patricia Brown all of Americus, Georgia, and Ms. Sandy Brown of Leslie, Georgia; a host of cousins, other relatives and many, many sorrowing friends.

Jeffery Mitchell

Jeffery Mitchell

Jeffery Mitchell

Mr. Jeffery Mitchell, age 50, 55 Rocky Ridge Court, Covington, Georgia passed Thursday, August 18, 2016 at the Southern Regional Hospital, Clayton, Georgia.

A wake service will be held from 5:00 P.M. to 7:00 P.M., Friday, August 26, 2016 at Allen Chapel A.M.E. Church, 132 Bumphead Road, Americus, Georgia.

The funeral service will be conducted at 11:00 A.M. on Saturday, August 27, 2016 at Allen Chapel A.M.E. Church, 132 Bumphead Road, Americus, Georgia, where Rev. Curtis Frazier is pastor.  The Reverend Robert Coleman will officiate. Interment will follow in the Eastview Cemetery, 500 Block of Ashby Street, Americus, Georgia.

Jeffery was born September 16, 1965 he was the youngest child of John Mitchell, Sr. and Eva Mitchell. Jeffery was baptized at Allen Chapel A.M.E. Church at age five and accepted Christ at an early age. He was a 1984 graduate of Americus High School where he was the manager of the football team. Jeffery was also active in various sports. His employment included Hickory Springs, Davidson Rubber Co., and Costco in Atlanta, Georgia over the past fourteen years.

Jeffery transitioned to eternal rest on Thursday, August 18, 2016 in Atlanta, Georgia.  Waiting to receive him to his Heavenly home was his baby son, Hosea Mitchell; maternal grandmother, Mary Lizzie Coleman; paternal grandmother, Hester Brown; uncle, Leonard Asberry; and a host of other family members who are welcoming him with open arms. Jeffery freely loved the Lord; he faithfully ministered to family, friends, his community and coworkers.

Jeffery and Bridget were joined in Holy matrimony on Oct 23, 1993. They were married by Bishop Harvey Cliborne of the Christian Outreach Church.

“Precious memories, Oh how they will linger” in the minds and spirits of those he left behind.

He is survived by his wife, Mrs. Bridget Mitchell; two daughters, Ashley and Amber Mitchell of Covington, Georgia; one son, Damian DyShawn Walton of Americus, Georgia; his parents, John and Eva Mitchell of Americus, Georgia; two brothers, John (Loretta) Mitchell Jr., and James Dennis Mitchell, both of Americus, Georgia; one sister, Valerie Mitchell (Terry Jackson) of Covington, Georgia; his father and mother-in-law, Elder Matthew and Mrs. Julia Woody of Buena Vista, Georgia; one sister-in-law, Lesa (Tim) Hardaway of Powder Springs, Georgia; one brother-in-law, Dewayne (Kimberly) Bernett of Hopkinsville, Kentucky; uncles and aunts, Artis (Sarah) Johnson, Rev. Robert (Rev. Lodenia) Coleman, William Asberry of Americus, Georgia; Roy Lee Asberry of Hartford, Connecticut; Walter Lee Towns of Andersonville, Georgia Roosevelt (Bobbie) Mitchell, Eddie Frank (Barbara) Mitchell, and Clarence (Miranda) Mitchell, all of Americus, Georgia; Jessie Mitchell of New Jersey, Willie Mitchell of Hartford, Connecticut; Lois Asberry, Ginnie Bell Asberry, Diane (John) Wilson, Wylean Asberry, both of Hartford, Connecticut; Bertha Kate Hefflin of Oglethorpe, Georgia; Doshia Watts of Columbus, Georgia; Ermogene Brown Mitchell of Buffalo, New York; one great aunt, Jessie Lee Hopkins; great uncles, Dave (Minnie) Asberry of Detroit, Michigan; Jimmie Asberry of Andersonville, Georgia; and a host of nieces, nephews, cousins, co-workers, and other sorrowing friends.




Mrs. June Delois Edge May of Greenville, SC formerly of Plains, GA went home to be with the Lord on Monday September 5, 2016.  Born in Plains, GA on June 18, 1952, she was the daughter of the late Mr. Judson Edge, Sr. and Mrs. Julia Mae Edge.  Mrs. May was a graduate of the University of Louisville with a BS in Accounting.  Career-wise she was a passionate homemaker who focused on instilling values into her children and grandchildren.

Outside of the home, her passion was working with the Urban League as a Fiscal Officer for three years.  She also worked as a Tax Preparer for H& R Block for 24 years.  She had a number of hobbies which included sewing, reading, singing, cooking and entertaining.  She was an active member of several churches and most recently Reedy River Missionary Baptist Church where she was a Deaconess, VBS Teacher, a devoted Sunday School member and she served on the Finance Committee. She is preceded her in death by her son, Jamison D. May and a sister, Ms. Beverly Bogans.

She leaves to cherish her memories her husband, Mr. Rufus J. May, one son, Mr. Rommell D. (Kindell)  May; one daughter, Mrs. La Keisha D. (Jonathan) McMillan; two granddaughters, Morgan and Jocelyn; one grandson Elijah J. May;  her mother, Mrs. Julia Mae Edge; her siblings, Mrs. Margaret (George) Clark Jr., Mrs. Eleanor (Jacob) Mills, Sgt. Maj. (Ret) Judson (Sandra) Edge Jr., Mrs. Thereases (Durante) Williams,  Elder Douglas (Stacy) Edge, Rev. George (Lindsey) Edge and Rev. Michael (Linda) Edge; her aunts and uncles, Ms. Evelyn E. Jackson, Ms. Marjorie Thomas, Ms. Bertha Monts Battle, the Rev. George Moore, Mrs. Mattie Moore, Mr. Henry (Cornelia) Moore, Mr. Claude (Mary) Edge, Mr. Eugene (Naomi) Edge, Mr. Booker (Carolyn) Edge, Mr. David Moore; a host of  nieces, nephews, cousins and other relatives and friends also survive.

Mrs. Helen O. Wright Barner



Mrs. Helen O. Wright Barner was born in Sumter County, Georgia on February 5, 1928 to the parentage of the late Mr. Arthur Wright and the late Mrs. Fannie Wight. She received her education in the public schools of Sumter County and was a graduate from A.S. Staley High School. She is preceded in death by a son, Dexter K. Barner, a daughter, Mary Etta Barner and a brother, Zera Wright.

She leaves to cherish her memories, three sons, Mr. Willie Fred (Sylvia Ann) Barner, Mr. Ronald (Elaine) Barner and Mr. Tyrone Clifford Barner all of Americus, GA; four daughters, Apostle Dr. Carol Barner Seay, Americus, GA, Mrs. Corliss (Clarence) Tate, Sr., Knoxville, TN, Mrs. Gloria (Karuth) Worth, Allentown, PA and Ms. Sara Brown-Floyd, Grovetown, GA; and a host of grandchildren, including, Ja’Marcus Fonte’ Ingram and Ja’Verick Donte’ Barner; her devoted nephew, Mr. James (Mildred) Wright and a devoted cousin, Ms. Addie Jeanette Lamar also survive.

Ms. Trinaya Aneise Brown



Ms. Trinaya Aneise Brown was born in Sumter County, Georgia on February 5, 2007 at 1:05 p.m. to the parents of Ms. Nayana Jowers Bridges, Mr. Kristopher Bridges and Mr. Trimel Brown. Trinaya attended Sumter County Head Start, where she received her certificate for the completion of the Head Start Program on May 15, 2012. She continued her education in Sumter County public schools and she was home schooled as well. Trinaya was granted her wings on August 31, 2016. Trinaya’s life would seem short to many, but those who were touched by her, understood the quality of existence far exceeds the quantity of time in which one lives. Her smile could melt the hearts of those around her and though she never spoke a word, her voice and thoughts could always be heard. Trinaya was a very special living angel. Trinaya had a powerful fight throughout her life and she fought a long 9 years. Every time the doctors would put a limit on her life span, her smile would say, oh no, not yet. She possessed strength, perseverance and the ability to overcome incredible odds with her courage. It led us to believe that each day is a blessing and an opportunity to create lasting memories.

Trinaya enjoyed watching her favorite movie, Princess and the Frog, and cartoons with her sisters and brothers for hours. She enjoyed getting dressed up, riding and getting in the pool. She loved the color pink, listening and seeing the children laughing and running around. That would make her smile and brighten her day. She was loved by many and definitely left special memories with us all. She is preceded in death by her great grandmother, Ms. Carrie Evans, her great grandfather, Mr. Paul Thomas, an uncle, Mr. Kervin Bridges and a great aunt, Ms. Gwendolyn Walton.

In addition to her parents, she leaves to cherish her memories, four brothers, Mr. Latravion Bridges, Mr. Katravion Bridges, Mr. Kristopher Bridges, Jr. and Mr. Trashaun Brown all of Americus, GA; five sisters, Ms. Krisiya Bridges, Ms. Krishanti Bridges, Ms. Trinity Brown, Ms. Mahogany Bridges and Ms. Tamara English all of Americus, GA; her grandparents, Mr. Nathaniel & Mrs. Cheryl Jowers, Plains, GA, Mr. James Bridges, Ms. Theartis Bridges and Ms. Angela Brown of Americus, GA; her great grandparents, Ms. Annie Ruth Thomas, Plains, GA, Mr. Allen Fort & Mrs. Melissa Jowers, Sr., Ms. Alberta Jowers, Preston, GA, Ms. Beulah Jowers, Homestead, FL, Ms. Wanda Thomas and Ms. Bobbie Lou Brown of Americus, GA; her aunts & uncles, Ms. Calandra Jowers, Ms. Jameica Davis, Ms. Lynette (Michael) Carter, Ms. Latoya Jowers, Mr. Arlando Williams, Ms. Lakesha Bridges, Mrs. Kiytia (Tim) Mable, Ms. Jasmine Clemons, Kelvinske Bridges, Mr. Kelsey (Senovia) Bridges, Mr. Braylon Brown, Mr. Donald Clemons and Mr. Arian Brown; her god-mother, Ms. Tarnisha Thomas and god-father, Mr. Kevin Streeter; and a host of other relatives and friends, including, her best friend, Sanaa Bridges. Trinaya, also leaves behind many wonderful caregivers and nurses that provided love and support that enhanced her quality of life, Ms. Mary, Ms. Kelly, Ms. Tanique, Ms. Veronica, Ms. Tammy, Ms. Murray, Ms. Carter, Ms. Tyson, and her Head Start Family and the Pediatric Heath Care Staff also survive.

Earline Robinson King

Earline Robinson King

Earline Robinson King

Earline Robinson King, age 68, died of uterine cancer on July 11, 2016 at her home in Watertown. She was born on June 5, 1948 in Smithville, Georgia to Orrie and Louisa (Mosley) Robinson.

Earline was a devoted 3rd grade school teacher with an intense love for learning and whose love for education extended to many parts of her life. She was a teacher for 30 years at Watertown-Mayer Elementary School.

Earline was a high energy and passionate charter member of the Watertown Historical Society. She was a talented musician and creative writer, in which she used to bring new exciting and innovative teaching styles to her 3rd grade classroom.

Earline had a strong unwavering faith in God and was a lifelong member of the Evangelical Free Church. She was committed to serving others through the church’s mission.

Earline was preceded in death by her loving husband of 36 years James, Sr. She is survived by her sons James Jr., Mark and Earl; grandchildren Brianna and Darrian.




Mr. Edward Thomas Tyson was born in Sumter County, Georgia on March 4, 1955 to the parentage of the late Mr. Walter Lee Tyson and the late Mrs. Mattie Ruth Hall Tyson. At an early age, he joined the Shipp Chapel Baptist Church. He received his education in the public schools of Sumter County.

Edward was a lot of things to a lot of people. He was an auto mechanic by trade. He was employed by Saint Trucking Company for many years. He was the family jokester and he was famous for saying “If I tell you a duck can pull a truck, then hook him up”. He was always the appointed grill master at family cookouts. He has a passion for antique and fast cars.

Edward was well loved as a brother, a father, a grandfather and a friend. After a lengthy illness and a well fought battle, Our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ whispered in Edward’s ear, “Servant well done, you can come on in.”

Although, this is a sorrowful time for Edward’s family, they find solace in knowing that Edward came to know the Lord for himself. Edward will be dearly missed.

He leaves to cherish his memories, two sons, Mr. Cornelius Hawkins and Mr. Zebulon (Alitha) Hawkins, Americus, GA; one daughter, Ms. Crystal Hawkins, Americus, GA; four brothers, Mr. Rodney (Linda) Tyson, Mr. Tony (Pat) Tyson, Mr. Walter (Clara) Tyson all of Americus, GA and Mr. Leon (Linda) Tyson of Pensacola, FL; six sisters, Ms. Angela Laster, Ms. Carolyn Coleman of Americus, GA, Ms. Brenda Ford, Columbus, GA, Mrs. Linda (Sammie) Prince, Hawkinsville, GA, Mrs. Thomasene (Foster) Turner and Ms. Betty Tyson of Jacksonville, FL; one aunt, Ms. Katherine Tyson, Plains, GA and an uncle, Mr. Horace Tyson, Atlanta, GA; eight grandchildren, and a host of nieces, including a devoted niece, Ms. Chiquita Collins, nephews, including a devoted nephew, Mr. Jeffrey Tyson, cousins, including devoted cousins, Dallas, Cynthia, Dallisa and Ciara Thorpe, Tommy Hall, Jessie Tyson, Jr., other relatives and friends, including devoted friends, Floyd Robinson, Freddie Trice and Tommie Willis also survive.

Mr. Willie Gene Davis



Mr. Willie Gene Davis was born in Sumter County, Georgia on December 20, 1959 to the parents of the late Mr. Leroy Davis and Mrs. Nadine Davis Pickett. He received his education in the public schools of Sumter County.

In addition to his mother, Ms. Nadine Davis Pickett, he leaves to cherish his memories, his wife, Mrs. Terri Rogers Davis, Americus, GA; four sons, Mr. William Martin, Mr. Willis Martin, Mr. Chris Davis and Mr. Gerald Davis all Rockford, Ill; two daughters, Ms. Genala Martin and Ms. Darla Davis both of Rockford, Ill; four brothers, Mr. Bruce Davis, Chicago, Ill, Mr. Howard Jerome Davis, Albany, GA, Mr. Kenneth Davis and Mr. Terrell Davis both of Americus, GA; one sister, Ms. Darcinni Monique Pickett, Americus, GA; his mother-in-law, Ms. Mildred Ferguson, Rockford, Ill; his brothers-in-law, Mr. Michael (Maureen) Ferguson, Mr. Patrick Ferguson, Mr. Timothy (Mary) Ferguson and Mr. Joseph (Sherri) Ferguson all of Mineral port, WI; his aunts & uncles, Ms. Alice Wise, Chicago, Ill, Ms. Catherine Shaw, Americus, GA and Mr. Homer Shelton, Chicago, Ill; grandchildren, and a host of nieces, nephews, cousins other relatives and friends also survive.

Top Cyber Security Salaries In U.S. Hit $380,000

(AP Photo/Eric Risberg)

(AP Photo/Eric Risberg)

Last week we reported that there are over one million cybersecurity job openings in 2016. This week we take a look at the highest paying jobs in cybersecurity.

According to the IT job board DICE, the top IT security salaries go to lead software security engineers who earn an average of $233,333.

SilverBull, a full-service IT and cybersecurity recruiting and staffing company based in Manchester, Conn. recently published figures for chief information security officer (CISO) salaries. They state that the average median CISO salary is $204,000. SilverBull lists the top six U.S. metros for CISO salaries as follows:

  1. San Francisco, Calif. where the average CISO salary is $249,000, and ranges from $154,000 up to $380,000.
  2. San Jose, Calif. where the average CISO salary is $240,000, and ranges from $149,000 to $368,000.
  3. New York City, N.Y. where the average CISO salary is $240,000, and ranges from $149,000 to $367,000.
  4. Washington, D.C. where the average CISO salary is $225,000, and ranges from $139,000 to $334,000.
  5. Los Angeles, Calif. where the average CISO salary is $233,000, and ranges from $138,000 to $341,000.
  6. Chicago, Ill. where the average CISO salary is $214,000, and ranges from $132,000 to $328,000.

Research firm IDC predicts that “by 2018, fully 75% of chief security officers (CSO) and chief information security officers (CISOs) will report directly to the CEO, not the CIO.” When CISO positions elevate to the C-Suite alongside chief financial officers and chief operating officers, it will arguably move the salary needle into the half-million dollar range for some.

“The cybersecurity job market is on fire” says Veronica Mollica, founder and executive information security recruiter at Indigo Partners, Inc. in Fairfield, Conn. “Our candidates are facing competing offers from multiple companies with salary increases averaging over 30%. Current employers are scrambling to retain talent with counter offers including 10% and higher salary increases for information security team members to remain on board” adds Mollica.

If you are an ambitious IT worker thinking about your next move, then you might want to cross over to cybersecurity. 35% of cybersecurity jobs call for an industry certification, compared to 23% of IT jobs overall, according to Burning Glass Technologies. The cybersecurity salary numbers suggest that the certifications are well worth it.

The Lady Chablis, beloved transgen- der entertainer from ‘Midnight in the Garden of Good and Evil,’ dead at 59

The Lady Chablis' Facebook profile photo

The Lady Chablis’ Facebook profile photo

NEW YORK, Sept. 8 (UPI) — The Lady Chablis, a transgender entertainer who played herself in the true-crime film Midnight in the Garden of Good and Evil, has died at the age of 59.

The New York Times reported she had been performing up until last month and died in Savannah Thursday after a bout of pneumonia.

Midnight was a 1997, fact-based film based on John Berendt’s book and directed by Clint Eastwood. In it, John Cusack played a writer who stumbles into a homicide while in Georgia to cover the Christmas party of a wealthy local played by Kevin Spacey. The Lady Chablis was one of the town’s many, charming and eccentric characters he meets.

“The Lady chablis, who stole hearts – and the spotlight – in Midnight in the Garden of Good and Evil, passed this morning surrounded by friends and family,” said a posting on the Facebook page of Club One, the Savannah hotspot where The Lady Chablis often performed.

“In his Best Selling novel, known in Savannah as The Book, John Berendt wrote that when he first met The Lady Chablis, “she had both hands on her hips and a sassy half-smile on her face,” a pose that would grace many stages,” the message continued. “Just as The Book shined the spotlight on Savannah, so too did Chablis shine the spotlight on the gay scene, and especially on Club One. She was Club One’s very first entertainer, officiating our grand opening in 1988, and paving the way for female impersonation in Savannah. No one, however, could outshine the Grand Empress herself. With the success of ‘The Book,’ Chablis shot to stardom. She was a guest on Good Morning America, and was interviewed by Oprah. She insisted to USA Today that she would play herself in the movie – or there would not be one. She’d be the first to tell you that she stole the show in Clint Eastwood’s 1997 adaptation. Since then, thousands of visitors have come to Savannah, visiting the locations in The Book, and crowding into Club One to see her.”

One of her own Facebook posts in January reflected her personality and distinctive manner of speech.

“Hi gang! Believe it or not but I have gained so much weight I can’t fit in my regal, classy, size 0-8 gowns. So they are up for sale. I have jewelry, channel bags, etc. Hit the Doll up if you may be interested. Thank you in advance, Lady Chablis,” she wrote.

She was also the author of the memoir Hiding My Candy.

Kanye West has something to say again

Kanye West appearing at the MTV Video Music Awards at Madison Square Garden in New York. (Chris Pizzello / AP)

Kanye West appearing at the MTV Video Music Awards at Madison Square Garden in New York. (Chris Pizzello / AP)

Kanye West brought his “Saint Pablo Tour” to the small stage at a New York Fashion Week party, where he performed under smoky, dark lights, and ended his set with some outspoken words, per usual.

West hit the stage Friday night at The Plaza Hotel, where the audience — a bit sweaty and cramped and made of up fashion and entertainment industry insiders — hung on to the rapper’s every move as he performed new and old songs, even jumping into the audience to rap with the crowd.

West and his wife, Kim Kardashian, were being honored by Harper’s Bazaars at its annual ICONS event. It was just days after West, 39, debuted the fourth season of his Yeezy collection for Adidas to mixed reviews.

“At the beginning of this performance I tried my best to not try. No, I tried to listen to all the reports and shit and I tried my best to stop trying,” he said at the end of the performance. “But I just couldn’t do it! I couldn’t stop! No matter what they write, I just couldn’t stop!”

He then thanked the fashion crowd for supporting him as he transitioned from Grammy-winning rapper-producer to fashion mogul.

“I appreciate y’all going on this journey for me. I appreciate all the years y’all put up with me learning in front of you and listening to the music at the same time,” he said.

“I appreciate the moment when Carine put her friend on the cover — no, not this moment — I’m talking about when she put Tom Ford on the cover,” he continued, referring to Carine Roitfeld, the former editor of Vogue Paris and founder and editor of CR Fashion Book. “And all you mother (expletive) were like, ‘Oh, Carine (is) over!’ She’s a mother (expletive) icon though. There’s only one Carine.”

Then West paused, dropped his microphone and walked offstage. The crowd of a few hundred cheered him on.

He kicked off his set with “Father Stretch My Hands Pt. 1,” and also performed “Famous,” ”All of the Lights,” ”Black Skinhead” and “Touch the Sky.” When he performed “Runaway” — which features the infamous line, “Let’s have a toast for the douchebags” — he held his middle finger up throughout most of the performance.

The Kardashian clan was there to support Kimye, including Kris, Kourtney, Kylie and Kendall, who was with her rapper-boyfriend Tyga.

Celebrity attendees dressed to impress included stylish singer Mary J. Blige and a dapper Nico Tortorella. Heidi Klum, Christina Hendricks, fashionable NBA player Russell Westbrook, Kate Upton, Nick Cannon, Pamela Anderson, Nina Agdal and Camila Alves also attended.

The Harper’s Bazaar event is in its third year and was held by Roitfeld and Karl Lagerfeld. Katy Perry was featured on last year’s stage and Lady Gaga performed jazz songs at the inaugural event in 2014.

West’s “Saint Pablo Tour” kicked off last month and wraps Nov. 1 at the Forum in Inglewood, California.

As #BankBlack Moves Money, Black Credit Unions Are Ready

One hundred dollar bill macro shot. Benjamin Franklin as depicted on the bill.

YES! Illustration by Tracy Loeffelholz Dunn.

While the number of Black-owned banks is down to only 22, there are 318 Black credit unions uniquely positioned to invest in their communities.

When Ervin Gardner joined other Black bankers a couple of weeks ago to strategize ways to make credit union services appealing to a younger generation, he was encouraged when the conversation turned to building unity and economic empowerment in Black communities.

“The bottom line is economics,” said Gardner, board member of the Chicago Post Office Employee Credit Union. People in leadership, those making decisions—policy, financial, and otherwise—respect unity and money.

“If African American financial institutions can grow, our issues and grievances can be addressed,” Gardner said, citing lack of investment and inequities in resources for Black communities as well as police abuse.

Gardner and more than a hundred African American credit union professionals and volunteers were attending the annual African American Credit Union Coalition convention, which coincided with a renewed national campaign to #BankBlack as a constructive response to frustrations over discrimination and disempowerment in Black communities.

While the number of Black-owned banks is down to only 22, there are 318 Black credit unions uniquely positioned to invest in their communities. The goal of the convention was to determine how to reach younger customers and increase membership and deposits to credit unions, both of which have been falling in recent years.

lack buying power is over a trillion dollars and projected to be $1.4 trillion by 2020. Neilsen reported earlier this year that the rate of “Black people making more than $75,000 a year [is] growing faster in size and influence than Whites in all income groups above $60,000. And as African American incomes increase, their spending surpasses that of the total population in areas such as insurance policies, pensions, and retirement savings.”

Impressive numbers that have big marketers paying attention. But here’s the problem:

Not many of the current $1.2 trillion in spending dollars circulate in Black communities for long. And if money doesn’t stay in a community, it’s not going to benefit that community. In fact, according to Brook Stephens’ book Talking Dollars and Making Sense: A Wealth Building Guide for African-Americans, the lifespan of the dollar in Black communities is about six hours, compared to 28 days in Asian communities, 20 days in Jewish communities, and 17 days in White communities.

So Gardner’s sine qua non for respect—unity and money—is lacking in the Black community. That’s why the current #BankBlack movement is critical. And why credit unions—small community financial cooperatives owned by the folks who have accounts—can be powerful.

A recent study by the Corporation for Economic Development and Institute for Policy Studies on the U.S. wealth gap found that if the average Black family wealth continues to grow at the same pace it has over the past 30 years, it would take 228 years to amass the same amount of wealth as White families have today.

Interventions suggested in the study include auditing federal polices, fixing unfair tax incentives, and addressing the “distorting influence” of cent-rationed wealth at the top through expanding progressive taxes and exploring a wealth tax. What wasn’t mentioned was a more direct approach: supporting African American institutions and businesses, particularly credit unions. A similar movement several years ago led by the Occupy movement to transfer funds from large national banks to community banks and credit unions reportedly moved millions into local communities.

Many in the African American community are banking on a similar if not greater response.

African American credit unions make up half of all 651 minority depository institutions (MDIs)—those with a majority ethnic membership and board. The 4.5 million members who own these MDIs represent 4 percent of the total members of all federally insured credit unions.

Compared to Asian American and Hispanic American institutions, African American credit union members tend to have less money in their accounts, and therefore those institutions have below-average assets. African American institutions had an average member share deposit of $5,646, compared to averages of $10,983 in Asian American institutions and $6,959 in Hispanic American institutions, according to the National Credit Union Administration MDI 2015 Annual Report to Congress.

These numbers are what drive members of the coalition and bring them together each year.

Any time a credit union does well, a community does well, said Jim Nussle, head of the Credit Union National Association.

So it goes without saying that African Americans would want institutions led by African Americans to succeed. “The greatest significance [in MDIs] is ownership, and who has control of the resources,” Nussle said. “Ownership stays with your community. You can select your own board and those members help the [credit union] members. It’s the original and safest way to do peer-to-peer lending.”

But small, community banking has struggled. Credit unions in general, along with Black-owned banks, have been shrinking in number. Partly that has to do with resource-rich big banks and, most recently, the convenience of online financial lending institutions.

And that’s where #BankBlack comes in. In July alone over a million dollars shifted to Black banking institutions—and therefore into Black communities.

“I do think that #BankBlack has its importance,” said Daniel Caldwell, president of 1st Choice Credit Union in Atlanta. “Economic power is the best motivator.”

The movement can help people understand the importance of keeping their dollars in their community. “There are too many other businesses in our community using dollars that don’t give back to the community,” he said. “If you can circulate your money inside that community, it will build it.”

To find a Black credit union, the financial website for Historical Black Colleges and Universities lists them by state.

Diddy named Forbes highest paid hip-hop artist for second year in a row

Sean 'Diddy' Combs arrives on the red carpet at the 2016 MTV Video Music Awards at Madison Square Garden in New York City on August 28, 2016. For the second year in a row, Diddy has been named the highest paid hip-hop artist by Forbes ahead of Jay Z and Dr. Dre. File Photo by John Angelillo/UPI | License Photo

Sean ‘Diddy’ Combs arrives on the red carpet at the 2016 MTV Video Music Awards at Madison Square Garden in New York City on August 28, 2016. For the second year in a row, Diddy has been named the highest paid hip-hop artist by Forbes ahead of Jay Z and Dr. Dre. File Photo by John Angelillo/UPI | License Photo

NEW YORK, Sept. 8 (UPI) — For the second year in a row, Sean ‘Diddy’ Combs has taken the number one spot atop Forbes annual Hip-Hop Cash Kings list ahead of peers Jay Z and Dr. Dre.

The list released Wednesday, has the rap mogul taking in $62 million for 2016 thanks in part to various business ventures in TV with the Revolt network, Sean Jean clothing line, alkaline water brand Aquahydrate, lucrative Ciroc vodka deal and Bad Boy Reunion Tour which runs throughout the fall.

Diddy took in an estimated $60 million last year when he came in at number one. Forbes notes that were it not for Dr. Dre’s big Beats payday when the headphone brand was sold to Apple, Diddy would be celebrating his fifth consecutive number one win.

Behind Diddy once again is his New York counterpart Jay Z who earned $53.5 million despite not touring or releasing new music in 2016.

In third place is Dr. Dre who replaces Drake having earned $41 million through his continued Beats buyout and the success from biopic Straight Outta Compton. Drake with $38.5 million and Wiz Khalifa at $24 million round out the top five.

Collectively, the top 20 lists which also includes hip-hop heavyweights Nicki Minaj, Pharrell, Kendrick Lamar, Kanye West, DJ Khaled and more, pulled in $450 million, the highest total since 2014 and the third highest since Forbes started the list ten year’s ago.

News of Diddy being named the highest paid hip-hop artist of 2016 come after the 46-year-old made headlines at the 2016 MTV Video Music Awards when he attended the event alongside girlfriend Cassie following rumors of a split.

Diddy was also seen partying afterwards with Beyonce, Jay Z, Kim Kardashian, West, Alicia Keys and Swizz Beatz.

‘Walking Dead’ Producer Hints at Not One But Two Deaths in Season 7 Premiere

 Jeffrey Dean Morgan as Negan on 'The Walking Dead.' Gene Page/AMC

Jeffrey Dean Morgan as Negan on ‘The Walking Dead.’ Gene Page/AMC

Wait, what?! The Walking Dead fans have been on the edge of their couches, eager to find out who was on the receiving end of baddie Negan’s barbed wire–covered bat, Lucille, since April when the season 6 finale ended with blood hitting the darkened screen.

Now it turns out viewers of AMC’s zombie drama may have even more reason to mourn.

Executive producer Greg Nicotero let slip in a recent interview with Entertainment Weekly that the season premiere might reveal more than one death at the hands of Jeffrey Dean Morgan’s vicious Negan.
“I was a little surprised that some of our viewers were angered by that,” the special-effects guru said when asked about fan reaction to the finale cliffhanger that left everyone guessing about who the villain’s victim could be. “If we would have shown the deaths, then they wouldn’t have felt our characters in season 7 the way they need to. And the thing that I think a lot of people will get out of it is how that moment changes the entire makeup of our universe within a split second.”

Did you catch that? “Deaths.” Plural.

Eagle-eyed fans have already speculated that Carol, Morgan and Tara will likely not be meeting Lucille, as all three appear in the season 7 teaser.

And a birthday message for singer Demi Lovato last month featuring Andrew Lincoln (Rick), Norman Reedus (Daryl), Steven Yeun (Glenn) and Josh McDermitt (Eugene) seems to suggest the four actors will survive.

Add to the mix that Michael Cudlitz said in an interview with Pop Sugar last month that his character, Abraham, “will continue for a while,” and the pool of potential victims shrinks fairly significantly.

Consider that it appeared Negan selected only one unlucky person in the season 6 finale. With that in mind, fans might reasonably conclude that his victim could be Maggie (Lauren Cohan), who is pregnant with Glenn’s child and in need of medical attention, the reason why Rick & Co. hit the road in the first place, leading to their capture.
But until season 7 kicks off and makes the big reveal, the guessing game will continue.

The states with the biggest Obamacare struggles spent years undermining the law

image-livinyAs insurers exit Obamacare marketplaces across the country, critics of the Affordable Care Act have redoubled claims that the health law isn’t working.

Yet these same critics, many of them Republican politicians in red states, took steps over the last several years to undermine the 2010 law and fuel the current turmoil in their insurance markets.

Among other things, they blocked expansion of Medicaid coverage for the poor, erected barriers to enrollment and refused to move health plans into the Obamacare marketplaces, a key step to bringing in healthier consumers.

Those decisions left the marketplaces in many red states with poorer, sicker customers than they otherwise might have had.

Now, consumers are paying the price, as insurers seek major rate hikes or stop selling plans altogether.

Indeed, eight of the nine states where consumer choices will be most limited in 2017 have rejected Medicaid expansion and taken other steps that have weakened their marketplaces, data show.

“It’s the same basic lesson I tell my kids,” said Manatt Health managing director Joel Ario, a former insurance commissioner in Oregon and Pennsylvania. “If you put the work into something, you will get results. If you just sit on the sidelines and complain, you shouldn’t be surprised if things don’t work out.”

The marketplaces have been shaken by the closure of more than a dozen new insurance co-ops and moves by major national insurers, including UnitedHealth Group, Humana and Aetna, to scale back offerings in 2017. Many of the insurers that remain in the marketplaces are seeking double-digit rate hikes.

Nearly all cited unsustainable losses due to sicker, and thus costlier, customers than the health plans anticipated.

The market exits have left consumers in wide swaths of the country with diminishing choices going into 2017.

In nearly a third of counties nationwide, just a single insurer will offer plans next year, according to an analysis by the nonprofit Kaiser Family Foundation.

That has fueled a new round of criticism from Republican politicians. “Obamacare has been a disaster for Missourians, and it’s about to get even worse,” Missouri Sen. Roy Blunt said this week, citing the recent Kaiser analysis.

Missouri has been among the hardest hit by the recent insurer exits, as 98 of the state’s 114 counties will have just one insurer offering plans next year, up from only two counties this year.

The marketplaces, which currently provide coverage to about 11 million Americans, were supposed to be more competitive.

The law’s architects hoped insurers would be drawn in by the opportunity to sell health plans to millions of Americans. They also included provisions in the law to bring in healthy customers most prized by insurers, included federal subsidies, which help defray most consumers’ monthly premiums. Americans who don’t have coverage are subject to tax penalties.

Importantly, the law also depended on states to support their marketplaces and help enroll healthy consumers.

Like all insurance, the Obamacare marketplaces require a mix of policyholders, or “risk pool,” so lower-cost participants offset the higher medical costs of sicker customers.

State insurance regulators were to phase out health plans that insurers had been offering before 2014, thereby moving those policyholders into the marketplaces. These customers were overwhelmingly healthy because prior to 2014 insurers in most states largely didn’t sell plans to people with preexisting medical conditions.

States were also offered millions of dollars in federal aid for outreach and enrollment efforts starting in 2013.

Marketing was seen as critical since sick customers were expected come to the marketplaces on their own, while younger, healthier consumers would probably need to be educated about the importance of getting coverage.

“The assumption was that states would play an active role,” said Jon Kingsdale, who ran the Massachusetts marketplace that became the model for the federal law.

Some states, including California, Connecticut and Maryland, did.

State officials there and elsewhere also worked closely with insurance companies to get them into the markets so consumers would have more choices. California spent hundreds of millions of dollars on outreach campaigns.

“States like California that made tough decisions early on and used all the tools available have competitive markets, with opportunities for consumers to choose plans,” said Peter Lee, head of Covered California, the state’s marketplace.

California and other states that actively supported the law haven’t been immune to the current market turmoil, as many factors have affected their marketplaces and helped drive up premiums for 2017.

But even with some market exits, consumers in more than half of California counties can choose from at least three insurers when selecting health plans next year. That means many will probably be able to find lower-priced options even though some insurers are planning double-digit rate hikes for 2017.

There are many fewer options in states whose leaders have spent years working to sabotage the law.

These include Alabama, Alaska, Florida, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, Oklahoma and Tennessee, all of which will have only one insurer in most counties next year, according to the Kaiser analysis.

Building viable insurance marketplaces in some of these states always figured to be challenging, as competition was limited before the law was enacted.

But many of these states made it even more difficult.

Several are among the more than a dozen that imposed additional regulations on people who were supposed to help consumers enroll in health plans.

Proponents of these regulations argued they were trying to protect consumers. “Our biggest fear, of course, is identity theft,” Florida Atty. Gen. Pam Bondi told Fox News in 2013.

But consumer advocates, patients groups and others saw the rules as another tactic to weaken the law. Missouri’s regulations were so restrictive that they were thrown out by a federal judge, who concluded state leaders were trying to undermine the marketplace.

Insurance regulators in more than three dozen states, facing a backlash from consumers, also refused to move customers with health plans that predated the health law into the marketplaces.
And 19 states are still rejecting federal aid to expand their Medicaid programs to poor, childless adults, a group of Americans traditionally excluded from the government safety net.

This has been particularly problematic for those states’ marketplaces, research suggests, as many poor – and probably sick – residents who couldn’t get Medicaid have gone into the marketplaces.

Federal data indicate that more than 40% of marketplace enrollees in states that didn’t expand Medicaid earn less than 138% of the federal poverty level, or about $16,000 a year.

By contrast, less than 10% of marketplace enrollees in states that expanded Medicaid are so poor.

Americans making less than 138% of the federal poverty level qualify for Medicaid coverage in expansion states.

Obama administration officials are now working to adjust marketplace rules for 2018 in an effort to bring in more younger, healthier customers.

And last week, Health and Human Services Secretary Sylvia Burwell sounded an upbeat note, explaining that the new rules should make the marketplaces more attractive for insurers in the future.

It remains to be seen whether more states will help, however.

“We had community after community saying, ‘Let’s make this work,’” said Lee in California. “That made a difference.”

America’s Birth Rate Is Now a National Emergency

imrs-phpThe U.S. fertility rate has plummeted to the lowest point on record, according to new federal data. The first quarter of 2016 brought 59.8 babies for every 1,000 women, ages 15 to 44. That’s nearly half the rate at the peak of the baby boom in the late 1950s.

The numbers show an unmistakable trend: Women in the U.S. who choose to reproduce keep delaying motherhood. Each generation has waited a little longer than the last. Four decades ago, an American woman typically delivered her first baby at age 21. By 2000, she was 24.9. Today, she is 26.3.

A few reasons are obvious: Birth control became widely available to women in the ’60s. More women have finished school and launched careers before starting a family. More rejected the idea they had to start a family at all.

Another driver of America’s increasingly late parenthood, however, has little to do with feminist empowerment. Many women who want a child or more children choose not to try for them. Some fear they can’t afford a baby, researchers say. They’re instead working toward stability, an uphill battle for many with student debt or bleak job prospects.

[Our simple calculator lets you figure out how much having a child affects your salary]

Forty percent of U.S. women ages 40 to 55 say they have fewer children than they’d like, according to a 2014 Pew Research Center survey.

“We have to see the declining fertility as being economic,” said Nan Astone, senior fellow at the Urban Institute. “The coincidence of decline and recession is hard to ignore.”

Between 2007 and 2012, for example, right before and just after the last recession, birthrates among 20-something women fell by 15 percent, according to a 2015 UI Report.

Young women, it turns out, are behind much of America’s plummeting fertility rate. From 2015 to 2016, the fertility rate among teens shrank from 75.2 babies per thousand women to 72.5. The rate for women in their 20s decreased from 100.3 to 98.4.

But women in their 30s — those more likely to have a stable career and higher income — experienced a baby bump. The rate for the 30-to-34 group grew from 101 in the first quarter of 2015 to 102 in the first quarter of 2016. Those in their 40s saw a slight increase, as well:

Building a family, regardless of age, is expensive.

Child-care costs across the country are soaring, and the U.S. doesn’t guarantee a single day of paid maternity or paternity leave for workers.

It’s tough to say whether policy changes, such as implementing paid family leave or introducing new child-care tax credits, would boost fertility among younger women. Republican leaders have argued that creating more high-paying jobs, rather than rolling out sweeping mandates, would better address our economic woes. Donald Trump recently threw a new plan into his party’s mix, proposing tax-free child care.

Democrats say female breadwinners deserve more support. Hillary Clinton said the government should cover up to 12 weeks of paid family leave and create more subsidized child care.

“The more we do to help working families,” she said recently, “the more our entire economy will benefit.”

Gonorrhea Is Becoming Untreatable, U.N. Health Officials Warn

 A microscope image, magnified 600 times, of the bacteria that cause the sexually transmitted disease gonorrhea. BSIP/UIG via Getty Images

A microscope image, magnified 600 times, of the bacteria that cause the sexually transmitted disease gonorrhea. BSIP/UIG via Getty Images

We are running out of ways to treat gonorrhea, the World Health Organization announced today.

The U.N. health agency released new guidelines warning doctors that it no longer recommends an entire class of antibiotics, quinolones, because quinolone-resistant strains of the disease have emerged all over the world.

Instead, the health agency recommends using cephalosporins, another class of antibiotic. The new protocol replaces guidelines that had not been changed since 2003.

According to the WHO, 78 million people are infected with gonorrhea every year.

Worldwide, health officials are concerned that overuse of antibiotics for other infections, such as urinary tract infections, will lead to widespread, untreatable strains of gonorrhea. In 2011, a super-resistant strain showed up in Japan.

As NPR’s Rob Stein has reported:

“Gonorrhea has been plaguing humanity for centuries. But ever since penicillin came along a dose of antibiotics would usually take care of the disease.

“‘Gonorrhea used to be susceptible to penicillin, ampicillin, tetracycline and doxycycline — very commonly used drugs,’ said Jonathan Zenilman, who studies infectious diseases at Johns Hopkins.

“But one by one, each of those antibiotics — and almost every new one that has come along since — eventually stopped working. One reason is that the bacterium that causes gonorrhea can mutate quickly to defend itself, Zenilman said.

“‘If this was a person, this person would be incredibly creative,’ he said. ‘The bug has an incredible ability to adapt and just develop new mechanisms of resisting the impact of these drugs.'”

The WHO shift to the new class of antibiotics will not fix that overall problem of bacterial creativity. In some countries, strains of gonorrhea are already resistant to the newly recommended class of drugs.

The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention warned back in 2012 that one of two drugs in the class of antibiotics the WHO now recommends, cephalosporins, was in danger of becoming useless to treat gonorrhea, at least in the U.S, and recommended that doctors stop prescribing it.

Since then, the CDC’s recommended treatment for gonorrhea has been a dual therapy, with the two antibiotics ceftriaxone and azithromycin, but an analysis in July warned that the bacteria could even become resistant to that combination.

As for when antibiotic options will run out altogether, Teodora Wi of the WHO’s Department of Reproductive Health and Research tells the journal Science, “We will have to have new drugs in 5 years, I think.”

The U.S. government is spending millions of dollars through the CDC and National Institutes of Health to develop new antibiotics and combat resistance.

The WHO also revised its guidelines for treating two other sexually transmitted infections, chlamydia and syphilis. Neither is facing severe antibiotic resistance. Syphilis, for example, can be treated with a single dose of penicillin, although there is a worldwide shortage of the drug.

Although all three sexually transmitted diseases affect both men and women, they can have particularly devastating effects on women if they are not treated. Gonorrhea can cause pelvic inflammatory disease and lead to dangerous ectopic pregnancies. Syphilis can pass from a pregnant woman to her fetus, and chlamydia can make it difficult for a woman to get pregnant.

How is stomach cancer diagnosed?

image-lxqznyStomach cancers are usually found when a person goes to the doctor because of signs or symptoms they are having. The doctor will take a history and examine the patient. If stomach cancer is suspected, tests will be needed to confirm the diagnosis.

Medical history and physical exam

When taking your medical history, the doctor will ask you questions about your symptoms (eating problems, pain, bloating, etc.) and possible risk factors to see if they might suggest stomach cancer or another cause. The physical exam gives your doctor information about your general health, possible signs of stomach cancer, and other health problems. In particular, the doctor will feel your abdomen for any abnormal changes.

If your doctor thinks you might have stomach cancer or another type of stomach problem, he or she will refer you to a gastroenterologist, a doctor who specializes in diseases of the digestive tract, who will examine you and do further testing.

Upper endoscopy

Upper endoscopy (also called esophagogastroduodenoscopy or EGD) is the main test used to find stomach cancer. It may be used when someone has certain risk factors or when signs and symptoms suggest this disease may be present.

During this test, the doctor passes an endoscope, which is a thin, flexible, lighted tube with a small video camera on the end, down your throat. This lets the doctor see the lining of your esophagus, stomach, and first part of the small intestine. If abnormal areas are seen, biopsies (tissue samples) can be taken using instruments passed through the endoscope. The tissue samples are sent to a lab, where they are looked at under a microscope to see if cancer is present.

When seen through an endoscope, stomach cancer can look like an ulcer, a mushroom-shaped or protruding mass, or diffuse, flat, thickened areas of mucosa known as linitis plastica. Unfortunately, the stomach cancers in hereditary diffuse gastric cancer syndrome often cannot be seen during endoscopy.

Endoscopy can also be used as part of a special imaging test known as endoscopic ultrasound, which is described below.

This test is usually done after you are given medication to make you sleepy (sedation). If sedation is used, you will need someone to take you home (not just a cab).

Endoscopic ultrasound

Ultrasound uses sound waves to produce images of organs such as the stomach. During a standard ultrasound, a wand-shaped probe called a transducer is placed on the skin. It gives off sound waves and detects the echoes as they bounce off internal organs. The pattern of echoes is processed by a computer to produce a black and white image on a screen.

In endoscopic ultrasound (EUS), a small transducer is placed on the tip of an endoscope. While you are sedated, the endoscope is passed down the throat and into the stomach. This lets the transducer rest directly on the wall of the stomach where the cancer is. It lets the doctor look at the layers of the stomach wall, as well as the nearby lymph nodes and other structures just outside the stomach. The picture quality is better than a standard ultrasound because of the shorter distance the sound waves have to travel.

EUS is most useful in seeing how far a cancer may have spread into the wall of the stomach, to nearby tissues, and to nearby lymph nodes. It can also be used to help guide a needle into a suspicious area to get a tissue sample (EUS-guided needle biopsy).


Your doctor may suspect cancer if an abnormal-looking area is seen on endoscopy or an imaging test, but the only way to tell for sure if it is really cancer is by doing a biopsy. During a biopsy, the doctor removes a sample of the abnormal area.

Biopsies to check for stomach cancer are most often obtained during upper endoscopy. If the doctor sees any abnormal areas in the stomach lining during the endoscopy, instruments can be passed down the endoscope to biopsy them.

Some stomach cancers are deep within the stomach wall, which can make them hard to biopsy with standard endoscopy. If the doctor suspects cancer might be deeper in the stomach wall, endoscopic ultrasound can be used to guide a thin, hollow needle into the wall of the stomach to get a biopsy sample.

Biopsies may also be taken from areas of possible cancer spread, such as nearby lymph nodes or suspicious areas in other parts of the body.

Testing biopsy samples

Biopsy samples are sent to a lab to be looked at under a microscope. The samples are checked to see if they contain cancer, and if they do, what kind it is (for example, adenocarcinoma, carcinoid, gastrointestinal stromal tumor, or lymphoma).

If a sample contains adenocarcinoma cells, it may be tested to see if it has too much of a growth-promoting protein called HER2/neu (often just shortened to HER2). The HER2/neu gene instructs the cells to make this protein. Tumors with increased levels of HER2/neu are called HER2-positive.

Stomach cancers that are HER2-positive can be treated with drugs that target the HER2/neu protein, such as trastuzumab (Herceptin®). See the section “Targeted therapies for stomach cancer” for more information.

The biopsy sample may be tested in 2 different ways:

  • Immunohistochemistry (IHC): In this test, special antibodies that stick to the HER2/neu protein are applied to the sample, which cause cells to change color if many copies are present. This color change can be seen under a microscope. The test results are reported as 0, 1+, 2+, or 3+.
  • Fluorescent in situ hybridization (FISH): This test uses fluorescent pieces of DNA that specifically stick to copies of the HER2/neu gene in cells, which can then be counted under a special microscope.

Often the IHC test is used first.

  • If the results are 0 or 1+, the cancer is HER2-negative. People with HER2-negative tumors are not treated with drugs (like trastuzumab) that target HER2.
  • If the test comes back 3+, the cancer is HER2-positive. Patients with HER2-positive tumors may be treated with drugs like trastuzumab.
  • When the result is 2+, the HER2 status of the tumor is not clear. This often leads to testing the tumor with FISH.

Imaging tests

Imaging tests use x-rays, magnetic fields, sound waves, or radioactive substances to create pictures of the inside of your body. Imaging tests may be done for a number of reasons, including:

  • To help find out whether a suspicious area might be cancerous
  • To learn how far cancer may have spread
  • To help determine if treatment has been effective

Upper gastrointestinal (GI) series

This is an x-ray test to look at the inner lining of the esophagus, stomach, and first part of the small intestine. This test is used less often than endoscopy to look for stomach cancer or other stomach problems, as it may miss some abnormal areas and does not allow the doctor to take biopsy samples. But it is less invasive than endoscopy, and it might be useful in some situations.

For this test, the patient drinks a white chalky solution containing a substance called barium. The barium coats the lining of the esophagus, stomach, and small intestine. Several x-ray pictures are then taken. Because x-rays can’t pass through the coating of barium, this will outline any abnormalities of the lining of these organs.

A double-contrast technique may be used to look for early stomach cancer. With this technique, after the barium solution is swallowed, a thin tube is passed into the stomach and air is pumped in. This makes the barium coating very thin, so even small abnormalities will show up.

Computed tomography (CT or CAT) scan

The CT scan is an x-ray test that produces detailed cross-sectional images of your body. Instead of taking one picture, like a standard x-ray, a CT scanner takes many pictures as it rotates around you. A computer then combines these pictures into images of slices of the part of your body being studied.

Before the test, you may be asked to drink 1 or 2 pints of a contrast solution and/or receive an intravenous (IV) line through which a contrast dye is injected. This helps better outline structures in your body.

The IV contrast can cause some flushing (redness and warm feeling). Some people are allergic and get hives, or rarely have more serious reactions like trouble breathing and low blood pressure. Be sure to tell the doctor if you have any allergies or have ever had a reaction to any contrast material used for x-rays.

A CT scanner has been described as a large donut, with a narrow table that slides in and out of the middle opening. You will need to lie still on the table while the scan is being done. CT scans take longer than regular x-rays, and you might feel a bit confined by the ring while the pictures are being taken.

CT scans show the stomach fairly clearly and often can confirm the location of the cancer. CT scans can also show the organs near the stomach, such as the liver, as well as lymph nodes and distant organs where cancer might have spread. The CT scan can help determine the extent (stage) of the cancer and whether surgery may be a good treatment option.

CT-guided needle biopsy: CT scans can also be used to guide a biopsy needle into a suspected area of cancer spread. The patient remains on the CT scanning table while a doctor moves a biopsy needle through the skin toward the mass. CT scans are repeated until the needle is within the mass. A fine-needle biopsy sample (tiny fragment of tissue) or a core-needle biopsy sample (a thin cylinder of tissue) is then removed and looked at under a microscope.

Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) scan

MRI scans use radio waves and strong magnets instead of x-rays. The energy from the radio waves is absorbed by the body and then released in a pattern formed by the type of body tissue and by certain diseases. A computer translates the pattern into a very detailed image of parts of the body. A contrast material might be injected just as with CT scans, but this is used less often.

Most doctors prefer to use CT scans to look at the stomach. But an MRI may sometimes provide more information. MRIs are often used to look at the brain and spinal cord.

MRI scans take longer than CT scans, often up to an hour. You may have to lie inside a narrow tube, which is confining and can upset people with a fear of enclosed spaces. Special, open MRI machines can help with this if needed, although the images may not be as sharp in some cases. The MRI machine makes loud buzzing noises that you may find disturbing. Some places provide headphones to block this noise out.

Positron emission tomography (PET) scan

In this test, radioactive substance (usually a type of sugar related to glucose, known as FDG) is injected into a vein. (The amount of radioactivity used is very low and will pass out of the body over the next day or so.) Because cancer cells are growing faster than normal cells, they use sugar much faster, so they take up the radioactive material. After about an hour, you are moved onto a table in the PET scanner. You lie on the table for about 30 minutes while a special camera creates a picture of areas of radioactivity in the body.

PET is sometimes useful if your doctor thinks the cancer might have spread but doesn’t know where. The picture is not finely detailed like a CT or MRI scan, but it provides helpful information about the whole body. Although PET scans can be useful for finding areas of cancer spread, they aren’t always helpful in certain kinds of stomach cancer because these types don’t take up glucose very much.

Some machines can do both a PET and CT scan at the same time (PET/CT scan). This lets the doctor compare areas of higher radioactivity on the PET with the more detailed appearance of that area on the CT. PET/CT may be more helpful than PET alone for stomach cancer. This can help show if the cancer has spread beyond the stomach to other parts of the body, in which case surgery might not be a good treatment.

Chest x-ray

This test can help find out if the cancer has spread to the lungs. It might also determine if there are any serious lung or heart diseases present. This test is not needed if a CT scan of the chest has been done.

Other tests


If this procedure is done, it is usually only after stomach cancer has already been found. Although CT or MRI scans can create detailed pictures of the inside of the body, they can miss some tumors, especially if they are very small. Doctors might do a laparoscopy before any other surgery to help confirm a stomach cancer is still only in the stomach and can be removed completely with surgery. It may also be done before chemotherapy and/or radiation if these are planned before surgery.

This procedure is done in an operating room with the patient under general anesthesia (in a deep sleep). A laparoscope (a thin, flexible tube) is inserted through a small surgical opening in the patient’s side. The laparoscope has a small video camera on its end, which sends pictures of the inside of the abdomen to a TV screen. Doctors can look closely at the surfaces of the organs and nearby lymph nodes, or even take small samples of tissue. If it doesn’t look like the cancer has spread, sometimes the doctor will “wash” the abdomen with saline (salt water). The fluid (called peritoneal washings) is then removed and checked to see if it contains cancer cells. If it does, the cancer has spread, even if the spread couldn’t be seen.

Sometimes laparoscopy is combined with ultrasound to give a better picture of the cancer.

Lab tests

When looking for signs of stomach cancer, a doctor may order a blood test called a complete blood count (CBC) to look for anemia (which could be caused by the cancer bleeding into the stomach). A fecal occult blood test may be done to look for blood in stool (feces) that isn’t visible to the naked eye.

The doctor might recommend other tests if cancer is found, especially if you are going to have surgery. For instance, blood tests will be done to make sure your liver and kidney functions are normal and that your blood clots normally. If surgery is planned or you are going to get medicines that can affect the heart, you may also have an electrocardiogram (EKG) and echocardiogram (an ultrasound of the heart) to make sure your heart is functioning well.

Added sugars and heart disease risk in children

image-whwfnyToo much sugar, like too much sodium, appears to increase the risk of serious health problems. Children whose diets are high in added sugar but low in nutrients are at greater risk of obesity and related problems that can contribute to cardiovascular disease.

According to National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES), a dietary survey, nearly 16 percent of the calories in U.S. children’s diets are from added sugar. This figure may be lower than actual intake, because NHANES data is self-reported and most self-reported diet information is commonly underestimated. The amount of dietary sugar increases with age, with pre-teen and teens consuming the most added sugar daily.
Why is too much sugar a problem? Added sugars contribute to a diet that is high in calories but low in nutrients. This type of diet increases the risk of obesity, hypertension, cardiovascular disease and some cancers.

The American Heart Association recommends that children’s diets contain no more than about 6 teaspoons (25 grams) of added sugar a day.

Currently children are averaging 80 grams a day by conservative measures. Major contributors to added sugar are sodas, sports drinks and other sugar-sweetened beverages such as tea or coffee drinks. Second are cookies, cake or dessert type foods. Other offenders are candy, gum, sweetened cereal, syrups, and breakfast breads or muffins.

We have work to do to decrease sugar intake. I’ll be honest — the recommendations are a strict target given our access to sweetened and processed foods. This need not be all or nothing; there are benefits to be had in making changes to your beverage and food choices. Consider these:

  • Drink water instead of other sweet beverages and sports drinks.
  • Choose unflavored milk.
  • Eat fruit or fruit based desserts and snacks.
  • Top pancakes and toast with sliced fruit.
    Prepare baked goods with less sugar.
  • Compare and choose lower sugar cereals, granola and breakfast bars, and snacks.

Less added sugar in your diet does not have to mean a bland diet. There is much to be enjoyed in the natural sweetness of whole, less processed foods.

Give it a try.

White Supremacists Hold D.C. Press Conference To Discuss Their Plans And Their Love For Donald Trump

Jared Taylor, White Supremacist and Trump Supporter

Jared Taylor, White Supremacist and Trump Supporter

The white supremacist Alt-Right movement has grown over the last eight years or so, incubated in racist forums like StormFront and meme-loving corners of the internet like 4chan and 8chan. Its members generally share a disdain for political correctness, feminism, zionism, Jews in general, immigration (especially Hispanic and Muslim immigration), and anyone who criticizes them for holding these views.

This is the election that introduced 99% of Americans to a group of people living in their midst who they’d never heard of before—the “alt-right”, who make up a significant portion of Donald J. Trump’s voting base. If Trump’s campaign can be taken as an indicator, if and when he is elected these are the kinds of people we can expect to see elevated to higher positions in the United States government and implementing policy.

Our media have jumped all over themselves trying to describe who or what the “alt-right” is, but most of them seem to agree that these folks are all about promoting their “white identity,”  which, fairly translated, means their “white superiority.”  There is also general agreement that these “alt-righties” are taking their cues from older Baby Boomer and Gen X racists who made the leap at the turn of the Millennium from obscure shortwave radio conversations and furtive meetings in each others’ basements to the much more public-friendly Internets and “social media:”

The alt-right has its origins in the white nationalists and “white identity” movements of the 1990s, but in the past year, it has found a home on Twitter and other social media, where adherents traffic in white supremacist and anti-Semitic memes; threaten and harass female, nonwhite, and Jewish users: and decry “white genocide,” defined as multiculturalism.

The comfort and safety of the Internet has been a boon like no other for white supremacists.  They can find like-minded soulmates and “hang” with people as racist as themselves long into the night, trading witty observations, venting their frustrations, and honing their intellectual pretensions. There’s even a “white people dating site.”

And like any successful movement, leaders have emerged.  Three of the most visible ones are Jared Taylor, founder of the white supremacist “American Renaissance” website, Richard Spencer, President of something called the “National Policy Institute,” described as a “white supremacist think-tank,” and Peter Brimelow, President of a non-profit called VDARE, that warns against the “polluting of America by non-whites, Catholics, and Spanish-speaking immigrants.”

But the single most galvanizing event in the history of this unabashedly “modern” white supremacist movement has been their warm embrace by the Republican Party in the personage of Donald J. Trump. Not only has Trump provided aid and comfort to these racists, he has exponentially increased their media exposure, most prominently through the right-wing news site, Breitbart News. Trump’s hiring of Breitbart’s CEO white nationalist-promoting Steve Bannon as his campaign manager effectively sealed the deal between Trump and this “digital supremacist” generation:

The site says it had 31 million visitors in July. And in March, it ran a piece describing Taylor, Spencer, and their ilk as “fearsomely intelligent,” and praising them for speaking truth to power or whatever.
On Friday afternoon these three gathered in the Willard hotel ballroom half a block from the White House for their very first press conference:

In a windowless room in a swanky hotel half a block from the White House on Friday afternoon, three of the most visible leaders of the Alt-Right movement held a two-hour press conference to discuss their affection for Donald Trump and their hopes for a white homeland.
One of the speakers, hardcore Trump supporter Jared Taylor, authored a column last August for the white supremacist publication American Renaissance,  titled “Is Trump Our Last Chance?:”  in which he wistfully imagined the future under a Trump Presidency in which racism would gain a new “respectability:”

A change in tone would be as dramatic as a change in policy because a president and his cabinet have tremendous influence that goes well beyond policy. They can put a subject on the national agenda just by talking about it. They can make it respectable just by continuing to talk about it. Actually looking at the pros and cons of immigrants could open the door to looking at the pros and cons of different groups of people. White, high-IQ, English-speaking people obviously assimilate best, and someone in a Trump administration might actually say so.
During Friday’s conference Taylor explained the philosophy that sustains these folks:

Jared Taylor, who founded the white supremacist American Renaissance site, explained the Alt-Right as predicated entirely on the belief that some races are inherently superior to others—the movement, he said, is “in unanimity” in rejecting “the idea that the races are basically equivalent and interchangeable.” There are genetic differences in race that make some races more ethical and intelligent than others, he said. That’s what the Alt Right is all about.

“They also differ, as a matter of fact, in the patterns of the microbes that inhabit their mouths,” he said.
Yep. He actually said that.

Richard Spencer, another conference speaker, has in the past explicitly spelled out the need to establish ”white identity:”

“Race is real. Race matters and race is the foundation of identity,” said Richard Spencer, one of the group’s leaders and activists.
Spencer advocates for an all-white “homeland.” During yesterday’s Press Conference, he made it clear that the “homeland” he envisions would not include Jews:

Spencer in particular fixates on the homeland idea.
The Alt-Right needs to aspire to something, even if that dream won’t come true in his lifetime—and that means they should aim to build an ethno-state for just whites. And Spencer made it clear that white-only means Jews aren’t invited. They have their own identity, and it isn’t white-slash-European, and that’s that.

Like Taylor, Spencer applauded Donald Trump for breathing new life into a movement that had previously been limited to slinking about in the shadows, but he and all of the speakers took pains to stress that that their existence was not dependent wholly on Trump’s candidacy:

“It is in a way projecting on to him our hopes and dreams,” said Spencer, a man who has said before he dreams of a white ethnostate. “We have not been made by Trump, but we want to make Trump and we want to imagine him in our image.”
The key takeaway from the press conference was that now that they have seen their star rise thanks to Trump, these people have no intention of crawling back under their rocks:

The overwhelming message was that the alt right is not going away even if Trump loses, or if Trump wins and begins to disappoint them. The message was that the alternative right is awakened and it’s ready not to back down even after its brief moment in the spotlight subsides.

Taylor told the audience that his job wouldn’t be over until at a PTA meeting, a woman could rise to defend the fact that fewer African Americans were in AP classes because they had a lower IQ and “no one objects.”
It seems like only a few short months ago that the idea of a group of white supremacists holding a “press conference” to shower praise on a Presidential candidate would have been unthinkable. If nothing else, the candidacy of Donald Trump has elevated these people and their “philosophy” to national status.

Americans will have their chance to thank him for that in less than 60 days.

David Duke’s show cheers Trump-Breitbart merger: “We appear to have taken over the Republican Party”

David Duke, 27-year-old Ku Klux Klan leader, poses in his Klan robes in front of the House of Parliament in London in March of 1978. Although he was banned from entering Britain, he arrived here by way of a Skytrain flight from New York. (AP Photo)

David Duke, 27-year-old Ku Klux Klan leader, poses in his Klan robes in front of the House of Parliament in London in March of 1978. Although he was banned from entering Britain, he arrived here by way of a Skytrain flight from New York. (AP Photo)

After failing to forcefully disavow one-time Ku Klux Klux Grand Wizard and current Louisiana senate candidate David Duke and hiring Breitbart News Network chairman Stephen K. Bannon as his third top campaign aide, Donald Trump is earning wide praise from white nationalist even as he makes a direct appeal to African-American voters.

“You’re living in poverty! Your schools are no good! You have no jobs,” the Republican presidential nominee said of African-Americans to an all-white audience in Michigan last week. “What the hell do you have to lose?” Trump said, making his appeal to Black voters more clearly later in the week, adding that he is likely to receive 95 percent support from the Democratic voter base by 2020. In the middle of his campaigning to bring African-American voters back to the “Party of Lincoln, however, Trump mainstreamed an extreme right-wing website in America made famous for destroying the career of Shirley Sherrod.

“So, something astonishing has happened,” Don Advo, from the white-supremacist friendly website Daily Stormer, said during David Duke’s radio show. “We appear to have taken over the Republican Party.”

Duke responded with a laugh.

“Well, rank and file,” he acknowledged, “but a lot of those boll weevils are still in those cotton balls.”

“The Republican Party may be a European-American populated party,” Duke told Advo with a tone of measured skepticism, “but like a ball of cotton, you can have boll weevils in there that are going to rot it out from the inside.”

The Southern Poverty Law Center reported that since Bannon took over at Breitbart “the outlet has undergone a noticeable shift toward embracing ideas on the extremist fringe of the conservative right. Racist ideas. Anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant ideas.”

According to former editor-in-chief Ben Shapiro, “Breitbart has become the alt-right go-to website, with [Breitbart’s technology editor] Yiannopoulos pushing white ethno-nationalism as a legitimate response to political correctness, and the comment section turning into a cesspool for white supremacist mememakers.”

‘No Vacancies’ for Blacks: How Donald Trump Got His Start, and Was First Accused of Bias

 Fred C. Trump with his son Donald visiting a tenant in one of their apartment buildings in Brooklyn in January 1973. Credit Barton Silverman/The New York Times

Fred C. Trump with his son Donald visiting a tenant in one of their apartment buildings in Brooklyn in January 1973. Credit Barton Silverman/The New York Times

She seemed like the model tenant. A 33-year-old nurse who was living at the Y.W.C.A. in Harlem, she had come to rent a one-bedroom at the still-unfinished Wilshire Apartments in the Jamaica Estates neighborhood of Queens. She filled out what the rental agent remembers as a “beautiful application.” She did not even want to look at the unit.

There was just one hitch: Maxine Brown was black.

Stanley Leibowitz, the rental agent, talked to his boss, Fred C. Trump.

“I asked him what to do and he says, ‘Take the application and put it in a drawer and leave it there,’” Mr. Leibowitz, now 88, recalled in an interview.

It was late 1963 — just months before President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the landmark Civil Rights Act — and the tall, mustachioed Fred Trump was approaching the apex of his building career. He was about to complete the jewel in the crown of his middle-class housing empire: seven 23-story towers, called Trump Village, spread across nearly 40 acres in Coney Island.

He was also grooming his heir. His son Donald, 17, would soon enroll at Fordham University in the Bronx, living at his parents’ home in Queens and spending much of his free time touring construction sites in his father’s Cadillac, driven by a black chauffeur.

“His father was his idol,” Mr. Leibowitz recalled. “Anytime he would come into the building, Donald would be by his side.”

Over the next decade, as Donald J. Trump assumed an increasingly prominent role in the business, the company’s practice of turning away potential black tenants was painstakingly documented by activists and organizations that viewed equal housing as the next frontier in the civil rights struggle.

The Justice Department undertook its own investigation and, in 1973, sued Trump Management for discriminating against blacks. Both Fred Trump, the company’s chairman, and Donald Trump, its president, were named as defendants. It was front-page news, and for Donald, amounted to his debut in the public eye.

“Absolutely ridiculous,” he was quoted as saying of the government’s allegations.

Looking back, Mr. Trump’s response to the lawsuit can be seen as presaging his handling of subsequent challenges, in business and in politics. Rather than quietly trying to settle — as another New York developer had done a couple of years earlier — he turned the lawsuit into a protracted battle, complete with angry denials, character assassination, charges that the government was trying to force him to rent to “welfare recipients” and a $100 million countersuit accusing the Justice Department of defamation.

When it was over, Mr. Trump declared victory, emphasizing that the consent decree he ultimately signed did not include an admission of guilt.

But an investigation by The New York Times — drawing on decades-old files from the New York City Commission on Human Rights, internal Justice Department records, court documents and interviews with tenants, civil rights activists and prosecutors — uncovered a long history of racial bias at his family’s properties, in New York and beyond.

That history has taken on fresh relevance with Mr. Trump arguing that black voters should support him over Hillary Clinton, whom he has called a bigot.

While there is no evidence that Mr. Trump personally set the rental policies at his father’s properties, he was on hand while they were in place, working out of a cubicle in Trump Management’s Brooklyn offices as early as the summer of 1968.

Then and now, Mr. Trump has steadfastly denied any awareness of any discrimination at Trump properties. While Mr. Trump declined to be interviewed for this article, his general counsel, Alan Garten, said in a statement that there was “no merit to the allegations.” And there has been no suggestion of racial bias toward prospective residents in the luxury housing that Mr. Trump focused on as his career took off in Manhattan in the 1980s.

In the past, Mr. Trump has treated the case as a footnote in the narrative of his career. In his memoir “The Art of the Deal,” he dispensed with it in five paragraphs. And while stumping in Ohio, he even singled out his work at one of his father’s properties in Cincinnati, omitting that, at the time, the development was the subject of a separate discrimination lawsuit — one that included claims of racial slurs uttered by a manager whom Mr. Trump had personally praised.

As eager as he was to leave behind the working-class precincts of New York City where Fred Trump had made his fortune, Donald Trump often speaks admiringly of him, recalling what he learned at his father’s side when the Trump name was synonymous with utilitarian housing, not yet with luxury, celebrity, or a polarizing brand of politics.

“My legacy has its roots in my father’s legacy,” he said last year.
Coming Under Scrutiny

Fred Trump got into the housing business when he was in his early 20s, building a single-family home for a neighbor in Queens. During World War II, he constructed housing for shipyard workers and Navy personnel in Norfolk, Va. After the war, he returned to New York, setting his sights on bigger, more ambitious projects, realized with the help of federal government loans.

His establishment as one of the city’s biggest developers was hardly free of controversy: The Senate Banking Committee subpoenaed him in 1954 during an investigation into profiteering off federal housing loans. Under oath, he acknowledged that he had wildly overstated the costs of a development to obtain a larger mortgage from the government.
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Presidential Election 2016
The latest news and analysis of the candidates and issues shaping the presidential race.

Trump continues to spit on everything this country stands for, everything our soldiers have fought and died for. Like father like son.

In 1966, as the investigative journalist Wayne Barrett detailed in “Trump: The Greatest Show on Earth,” a New York legislative committee accused Fred Trump of using state money earmarked for middle-income housing to build a shopping center instead. One lawmaker called Mr. Trump “greedy and grasping.”

By this point, the Trump organization’s business practices were beginning to come under scrutiny from civil rights groups that had received complaints from prospective African-American tenants.

People like Maxine Brown.

Mr. Leibowitz, the rental agent at the Wilshire, remembered Ms. Brown repeatedly inquiring about the apartment. “Finally, she realized what it was all about,” he said.

Ms. Brown’s first instinct was to let the matter go; she was happy enough at the Y.W.C.A. “I had a big room and two meals a day for five dollars a week,” she said in an interview.

But a friend, Mae Wiggins, who had also been denied an apartment at the Wilshire, told her that she ought to have her own place, with a private bathroom and a kitchen. She encouraged Ms. Brown to file a complaint with the New York City Commission on Human Rights, as she was doing.

“We knew there was prejudice in renting,” Ms. Wiggins recalled. “It was rampant in New York. It made me feel really bad, and I wanted to do something to right the wrong.”

In the 1960s, Mae Wiggins and her friend Maxine Brown applied for housing at the Wilshire Apartments in the Jamaica Estates neighborhood of Queens, N.Y. Ms. Wiggins recalled her experience. By NATALIA V. OSIPOVA on Publish Date August 27, 2016. Photo by Justin T. Gellerson for The New York Times. Watch in Times Video »

Mr. Leibowitz was called to testify at the commission’s hearing on Ms. Brown’s case. Asked to estimate how many blacks lived in Mr. Trump’s various properties, he remembered replying: “To the best of my knowledge, none.”

After the hearing, Ms. Brown was offered an apartment in the Wilshire, and in the spring of 1964, she moved in. For 10 years, she said, she was the only African-American in the building.

Complaints about the Trump organization’s rental policies continued to mount: By 1967, state investigators found that out of some 3,700 apartments in Trump Village, seven were occupied by African-American families.

Like Ms. Brown, the few minorities who did live in Trump-owned buildings often had to force their way in.

A black woman named Agnes Bunn recalled hearing in early 1970 about a vacant Trump apartment in another part of Queens, from a white friend who lived in the building. But when she went by, she was told there were no vacancies.

“The super came out and stood there until I left the property,” Ms. Bunn said.

Ms. Bunn testified about the experience at a meeting with the New York City Commission on Human Rights in 1970. According to a summary, recovered from the New York City Municipal Archives, she told a Trump lawyer that it was known that no “colored” people were wanted as tenants in the building.

The lawyer concluded that the episode was “all a misunderstanding.” Ms. Bunn and her husband, a Manhattan accountant, soon became the building’s first black tenants.

Unlike the public schools, the housing market could not be desegregated simply by court order. Even after passage of the Fair Housing Act of 1968, which prohibited racial discrimination in housing, developments in white neighborhoods continued to rebuff blacks.

For years, it fell largely to local civil rights groups to highlight the problem by sending white “testers” into apartment complexes after blacks had been turned away.

“Everything was sort of whispers and innuendo and you wanted to try to bring it out into the open,” recalled Phyllis Kirschenbaum, who volunteered for Operation Open City, a housing rights advocacy organization. “I’d walk in with my freckles and red hair and Jewish name and get an apartment immediately.”

The complaints of discrimination were not limited to New York.

In 1969, a young black couple, Haywood and Rennell Cash, sued after being denied a home in Cincinnati at one of the first projects in which Donald Trump, fresh out of college, played an active role.

Mr. Cash was repeatedly rejected by the Trumps’ rental agent, according to court records and notes kept by Housing Opportunities Made Equal of Cincinnati, which sent in white testers posing as a young couple while Mr. Cash waited in the car.

After the agent, Irving Wolper, offered the testers an apartment, they brought in Mr. Cash. Mr. Wolper grew furious, shoving them out of the office and calling the young female tester, Maggie Durham, a “nigger-lover,” according to court records.

“To this day I have not forgotten the fury in his voice and in his face,” Ms. Durham recalled recently, adding that she also remembered him calling her a “traitor to the race.”

The Cashes were ultimately offered an apartment.

At a campaign stop in Ohio recently, Mr. Trump shared warm memories of his time in Cincinnati, calling it one of the early successes of his career. And in “The Art of the Deal,” he praised Mr. Wolper, without using his surname, calling him a “fabulous man” and “an amazing manager.”

“Irving was a classic,” Mr. Trump wrote.

The young Mr. Trump also spent time in Norfolk, helping manage the housing complexes his father built there in the 1940s. Similar complaints of discrimination surfaced at those properties beginning in the mid-1960s, and were documented by Ellis James, an equal housing activist.

“The managers on site were usually not very sophisticated,” Mr. James, now 78, recalled. “Some were dedicated segregationists, but most of them were more concerned with following the policies they were directed to keep.”
Battling the Government

Donald Trump said he had first heard about the lawsuit, which was filed in the fall of 1973, on his car radio.

The government had charged him, his father and their company, Trump Management Inc., with violating the Fair Housing Act.

Another major New York developer, the LeFrak Organization, had been hit with a similar suit a few years earlier. Its founder, Samuel LeFrak, had appeared at a news conference alongside the United States attorney, trumpeting a consent agreement to prohibit discrimination in his buildings by saying it would “make open housing in our cities a reality.” The LeFrak company even offered the equivalent of one month’s rent to help 50 black families move into predominantly white buildings.

Donald Trump took a different approach. He retained Senator Joseph McCarthy’s red-baiting counsel, Roy Cohn, to defend him. Mr. Trump soon called his own news conference — to announce his countersuit against the government.

The government’s lawyers took as their starting point the years of research conducted by civil rights groups at Trump properties.
The Wilshire Apartments complex in Queens, once owned by the Trump family. Credit George Etheredge/The New York Times

“We did our own investigation and enlarged the case,” said Elyse Goldweber, who as a young assistant United States attorney worked on the lawsuit, U.S.A. v. Trump.

A former Trump superintendent named Thomas Miranda testified that multiple Trump Management employees had instructed him to attach a separate piece of paper with a big letter “C” on it — for “colored” — to any application filed by a black apartment-seeker.

The Trumps went on the offensive, filing a contempt-of-court charge against one of the prosecutors, accusing her of turning the investigation into a “Gestapo-like interrogation.” The Trumps derided the lawsuit as a pressure tactic to get them to sign a consent decree like the one agreed to by Mr. LeFrak.

The judge dismissed both the countersuit and the contempt-of-court charge. After nearly two years of legal wrangling, the Trumps gave up and signed a consent decree.

As is customary, it did not include an admission of guilt. But it did include pages of stipulations intended to ensure the desegregation of Trump properties.

Equal housing activists celebrated the agreement as more robust than the one signed by Mr. LeFrak. It required that Trump Management provide the New York Urban League with a weekly list of all its vacancies.

This did not stop Mr. Trump from declaring victory. “In the end the government couldn’t prove its case, and we ended up making a minor settlement without admitting any guilt,” he wrote in “The Art of the Deal.”

Only this was not quite the end.

A few years later, the government accused the Trumps of violating the consent decree. “We believe that an underlying pattern of discrimination continues to exist in the Trump Management organization,” a Justice Department lawyer wrote to Mr. Cohn in 1978.

Once again, the government marshaled numerous examples of blacks being denied Trump apartments. But this time, it also identified a pattern of racial steering.

While more black families were now renting in Trump-owned buildings, the government said, many had been confined to a small number of complexes. And tenants in some of these buildings had complained about the conditions, from falling plaster to rusty light fixtures to bloodstained floors.
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The Trumps effectively wore the government down. The original consent decree expired before the Justice Department had accumulated enough evidence to press its new case.

The issue was becoming academic, anyway. New York’s white working-class population was shrinking. Shifting demographics would soon make it impractical to turn away black tenants.

By the spring of 1982, when the case was officially closed, Donald Trump’s prized project, Trump Tower, was just months from co

mpletion. The rebranding of the Trump name was well underway.

As for Ms. Brown, she still lives in the same apartment in the Wilshire.

Over the years, she has watched the building’s complexion begin to change — along with some of her neighbors’ attitudes toward her. During the 1990s, one man who used to step off the elevator whenever she stepped on suddenly started greeting her warmly.

On a recent afternoon, she reminisced about the unlikely role she played in breaking the color barrier of the Trump real estate empire.

“I just wanted a decent place to live,” she said.

Kitty Bennett contributed research.

U.S. Veterans Are Coming To Colin Kaepernick’s Defense In Droves

 Christian Petersen via Getty Images Colin Kaepernick watches from the sidelines during an NFL game against the Arizona Cardinals at the University of Phoenix Stadium.

Christian Petersen via Getty Images
Colin Kaepernick watches from the sidelines during an NFL game against the Arizona Cardinals at the University of Phoenix Stadium.

The hashtag #VeteransForKaepernick is taking off.

Ever since Colin Kaepernick decided to sit during the national anthem at an NFL preseason game last week, one of the more common criticisms leveled against the San Francisco 49ers quarterback has been that he is disrespecting veterans by not paying proper tribute to the American flag.

Kaepernick’s own former teammate, the Minnesota Vikings’ Alex Boone, for one, expressed his frustration with the quarterback’s protest on Sunday. Boone saw it as an affront to veterans, like Boone’s own brother. “You should have some (expletive) respect for people who served,” Boone told USA Today.

Kaepernick has tried to make clear that he does not wish to disrespect any military veterans in the days since his protest. Rather, he believes the ideals for which they risk their lives are not being similarly protected at home.

“I have great respect for the men and women that have fought for this country,” he said Sunday. “I have family, I have friends that have gone and fought for this country. And they fight for freedom, they fight for the people, they fight for liberty and justice, for everyone.”

But, he added. “People are dying in vain because this country isn’t holding their end of the bargain up, as far as giving freedom and justice, liberty to everybody.”

Large numbers of Americans have continued to criticize Kaepernick in the days after his comments. But a noteworthy group has also started to speak up in his defense: veterans themselves. Over the last day, military veterans have taken to Twitter and other social media in support not only of Kaepernick’s right to free speech, but of the particulars of his message, too.

“If you haven’t served, don’t speak on my behalf,” one veteran wrote.

“I serve for his right to protest.. I don’t serve for Police Brutality..” another wrote.

Below you’ll find just some of the posts in defense of Kaepernick. Believe us when we say there are many more all over the internet.

The Trump Effect: The Impact of the Presidential Campaign on Our Nation’s Schools

Our report found that the campaign is producing an alarming level of fear and anxiety among children of color and inflaming racial and ethnic tensions in the classroom. Many students worry about being deported.

Schools are, by design, institutions that strive to teach citi- zenship. But the lessons in many classrooms look different this year. Photo credit: Getty Images


Every four years, teachers in the United States use the presidential election to impart valuable lessons to students about the electoral process, democracy, government and the responsibilities of citizenship.

But, for students and teachers alike, this year’s primary season is starkly different from any in recent memory. The results of an online survey conducted by Teaching Tolerance suggest that the campaign is having a profoundly negative effect on children and classrooms.

It’s producing an alarming level of fear and anxiety among children of color and inflaming racial and ethnic tensions in the classroom. Many students worry about being deported.

Other students have been emboldened by the divisive, often juvenile rhetoric in the campaign. Teachers have noted an increase in bullying, harassment and intimidation of students whose races, religions or nationalities have been the verbal targets of candidates on the campaign trail.

Educators are perplexed and conflicted about what to do. They report being stymied by the need to remain nonpartisan but disturbed by the anxiety in their classrooms and the lessons that children may be absorbing from this campaign.

Two responses from teachers illustrate their dilemma. A teacher in Arlington, Virginia, says, “I try to not bring it up since it is so stressful for my students.” Another, in Indianapolis, Indiana, says, “I am at a point where I’m going to take a stand even if it costs me my position.”

Our survey of approximately 2,000 K-12 teachers was not scientific. Our email subscribers and those who visit our website are not a random sample of teachers nationally, and those who chose to respond to our survey are likely to be those who are most concerned about the impact of the presidential campaign on their students and schools.

But the data we collected is the richest source of information that we know of about the effect of the presidential campaign on education in our country. And there is nothing counterintuitive about the results. They show a disturbing nationwide problem, one that is particularly acute in schools with high concentrations of minority children.

Here are the highlights:

  • More than two-thirds of the teachers reported that students—mainly immigrants, children of immigrants and Muslims—have expressed concerns or fears about what might happen to them or their families after the election.
  • More than half have seen an increase in uncivil political discourse.
  • More than one-third have observed an increase in anti-Muslim or anti-immigrant sentiment.
  • More than 40 percent are hesitant to teach about the election.
  • The comments are particularly revealing.

The survey did not identify any candidates. But out of 5,000 total comments, more than 1,000 mentioned Donald Trump. In contrast, a total of fewer than 200 contained the names Ted Cruz, Bernie Sanders or Hillary Clinton. During the campaign, Trump has spoken of deporting millions of Latino immigrants, building a wall between the United States and Mexico, banning Muslim immigrants and even killing the families of Islamist terrorists. He has also called Mexican immigrants “rapists” and drug dealers.

“My students are terrified of Donald Trump,” says one teacher from a middle school with a large population of African-American Muslims. “They think that if he’s elected, all black people will get sent back to Africa.”

In state after state, teachers report similar fears among minority children.

In Virginia, an elementary school teacher says students are “crying in the classroom and having meltdowns at home.” In Oregon, a K-3 teacher says her black students are “concerned for their safety because of what they see on TV at Trump rallies.” In North Carolina, a high school teacher says she has “Latino students who carry their birth certificates and Social Security cards to school because they are afraid they will be deported.”

Some of the stories are heartbreaking. In Tennessee, a kindergarten teacher says a Latino child—told by classmates that he will be deported and trapped behind a wall—asks every day, “Is the wall here yet?”

Many children, however, are not afraid at all. Rather, some are using the word Trump as a taunt or as a chant as they gang up on others. Muslim children are being called terrorist or ISIS or bomber.

“Students are hearing more hate language than I have ever heard at our school before,” says a high school teacher in Helena, Montana. Another teacher reports that a fifth-grader told a Muslim student “that he was supporting Donald Trump because he was going to kill all of the Muslims if he became president!”

The long-term impact on children’s well-being, their behavior or their civic education is impossible to gauge. Some teachers report that their students are highly engaged and interested in the political process this year. Others worry that the election is making them “less trusting of government” or “hostile to opposing points of view,” or that children are “losing respect for the political process.”

For the sake of children and their education, presidential candidates should begin modeling the kind of civil behavior and civic values that we all want children to learn in school. Barring such a change in tone, however, teachers and school administrators will face an uphill battle. Remaining impartial will be difficult when the students’ conversation revolves largely around Trump.

But we urge educators not to abandon their teaching about the election, to use instances of incivility as teaching moments, and to support the children who are hurt, confused and frightened by what they’re hearing from the candidates. Our specific findings from the survey follow.

Impact on Students

Every student, from preschoolers up through high school, is aware of the tone, rhetoric and catchphrases of this particular campaign season. Students are hearing conversations at home. They’re chatting, posting and joking on social media. Whether teachers decide to bring it into the classroom or not, kids are talking about it, modeling their behavior on that of political candidates and bringing heightened emotion to school along with their backpacks.

One California teacher noted, “YouTube, Instagram and Twitter make everything ‘live’ and interactive.” Some students attend candidates’ rallies. And then there is the endless cycle of talk radio, 24-hour news and cable comedy shows. “The explosive headlines and conversations have caught their attention,” a middle school teacher in Providence, Rhode Island, wrote about her students. “They want to talk about a cartoon/headline/video they saw.”

The 2016 campaign and the antics of its contestants are omnipresent. As one Bloomfield Hills, Michigan, elementary school teacher told us, “Shying away from difficult conversations doesn’t mean the conversations aren’t taking place.” A Portland, Oregon, middle school teacher reported that her principal had imposed a “gag order” on teachers, prohibiting them from talking about the election. But the order didn’t stop one of her students from telling an immigrant classmate, “When Trump wins, you and your family will get sent back.” On the survey she posed the question, “What does a teacher do? I can assure you that if a student says that loudly and brazenly in class, far worse is happening in the hallway.”

For almost all students, the campaign is personal and their support or opposition to candidates—actually to one candidate mainly—is intense. But the effect of the campaign on students depends very much on where they stand in the school pecking order. Those who have been marginalized in the past are bearing the brunt of behavior and comments that often cross over into abuse.

Marginalized students are “terrified”

Over two-thirds (67 percent) of educators reported that young people in their schools—most often immigrants, children of immigrants, Muslims, African Americans and other students of color—had expressed concern about what might happen to them or their families after the election. Close to one-third of the students in American classrooms are children of foreign-born parents. This year, they are scared, stressed and in need of reassurance and support from teachers. Muslim children are harassed and worried. Even native-born African-American children, whose families arrived here before the American Revolution, ask about being sent back to Africa. Others, especially younger students, have worries that are the stuff of nightmares, like a return to slavery or being rounded up and put into camps. Overall, these vulnerable students are disillusioned and depressed at the hatred they’re hearing from candidates, in the news, from classmates and even, sometimes, from trusted adults. They’re discouraged to find out what people really think. Teachers struggle to help them feel safe.

Undocumented students or students with undocumented family members are especially vulnerable. These students have a legal right to a public school education, but many of them come to school every day fearful that their families will be separated. Teachers, in general, are very protective of students and sensitive to their pain.

Fears are pervasive. Students tell teachers they are worried about deportation, having their families split, being put in jail or attacked by police, losing their homes, seeing their places of worship closed, going into hiding and being sent to detention camps. Some Muslim students think that, if Trump becomes president, they will have microchips implanted under their skin.

Students are stressed and anxious in a way that is threatening their health, emotional well-being and their schoolwork. We heard from dozens of educators about young students who expressed daily worries about “being sent back” or having their parents sent back. In many cases, the students are American citizens or come from families that are here legally. It doesn’t matter: Regardless of immigration status, they feel under attack. We heard about students from second grade to high school crying in class.

A Tennessee kindergarten teacher reported that she has a student who asks her every day if the wall has been built yet. “Imagine the fear in my students’ eyes when they look to me for the truth,” she said.

In Massachusetts, an elementary school social worker described what was happening to her 8-year-old son, who was adopted from Korea. “He came home from school and recounted a conversation he’d had with his friends on the playground. Many … come from immigrant families and/or are black or brown. He told me they know that if Donald Trumpet [sic] was elected that we would have to move to another continent to be safe and that there would be a big war. He is very nervous about being sent away with my husband who is also Korean American.”

Stressed students have a harder time learning, and we saw many reports that anxiety was having an impact on grades and ability to concentrate. In Washington state, a teacher told us about a 10-year-old boy who can’t sleep at night because he is worried his immigrant parents will be sent away. A California art teacher described a fifth-grader who had begun having “full-blown panic attacks.” After fellow students in Washington state had repeatedly shouted slurs from their cars at one Muslim teenager, her teacher reported, the girl expressed suicidal thoughts.

For immigrants whose home countries are unsafe places to which they can’t return, the fear is “tremendous and profound.” One teacher observed that the campaign season is particularly traumatizing for students who have “suffered through exile, migration and even asylum.” Others reported that their Iraqi and Syrian students are terrified of being sent back to their war-torn countries.

They’re not just scared. Teachers used words like “hurt” and “dejected” to describe the impact on their charges. The ideas and language coming from the presidential candidates are bad enough, but many students—Muslim, Hispanic and African-American—are far more upset by the number of people, including classmates and even teachers, who seem to agree with Trump. They are struggling with the belief that “everyone hates them.”

An elementary school administrator in Vancouver, Washington, wrote, “Students who had undocumented family members and relatives are afraid of what other kids will think of them if they find out. One [fourth-grade] student reported that she thought everyone hated her because her mother was illegal and she didn’t want to come to school. Over 35 percent of our students are Mexican. I’ve never had this … before this year.”

African-American students aren’t exempt from the fears. Many teachers reported an increase in use of the n-word as a slur, even among very young children. And black children are burdened with a particularly awful fear that has been reported from teachers in many states—that they will “be deported to Africa” or that slavery will be reinstated. As an Oklahoma elementary teacher explains, “My kids are terrified of Trump becoming [p]resident. They believe he can/will deport them—and NONE of them are Hispanic. They are all African American.”

Even in schools where a majority of students are African American and don’t face racial taunts on the playground, students feel uneasy. A teacher in Ferguson, Missouri, where nearly nine out of 10 students are African American, says, “We do not have the language and hate of any candidates repeated at the high school where I teach. … However, I do hear students wonder if they are being let in on what all white people truly think and feel. This is so disappointing and hard to combat.”

According to their teachers, these vulnerable students feel that Trump is a “rich racist who hates them.” Young children can’t understand why people hate them without even knowing them. One teacher’s comment, “It breaks my heart,” was echoed by dozens of others.

Another wrote simply that, in her diverse school, “My students have one thing in common. Apparently America hates them.”

Students are confused. Their teachers have worked hard—and often successfully—to teach them about American ideals. They are, according to one Boston high school teacher, “confused as to how a person who has no respect for American ideals can be so popular.” On one hand, they are taught that the United States is a nation of immigrants, but their current experience doesn’t match the lesson. Many immigrant students feel that “they don’t belong here” and they have “no value” to the country.

All students, regardless of whether they are members of targeted groups, are vulnerable to the stress. Kids are worried about their friends and want to protect them. A Minnesota teacher wrote about her own middle school daughter who felt terribly guilty after a “dear Muslim friend was called a ‘terrorist’ by another classmate.” The teacher reported, “We had a lengthy conversation about what to do if there was a ‘next time.’”

Teachers struggle to provide safety in their classrooms and reassurance to their students. Often that means breaking their usual rule against discussing their own politics and assuring children who “beg [them] not to vote for Trump because he will send their parents out of the country” that, indeed, they will not. Others try to explain how our system actually works, underscoring the point that the president alone doesn’t make laws, or that it’s unlikely Mr. Trump will actually be elected. But, as one California teacher explained, “I have tried to reassure my students that no matter the outcome, they will be okay. I don’t even know if that’s true, but I can’t have them worry and stress about it.”

Teachers work to keep their classrooms respectful. Often that means constant reminders that the rules for classroom discussion aren’t the same as the rules on the debate stage. Sometimes it means declaring some things off limits. “I really don’t want to have his [Trump’s] name invoked in my classroom,” said a teacher from Pennsylvania. “It feels like it makes it an unsafe place for my students of color.”

And often, it means expressing affection. A teacher at a Virginia Title I (high poverty) school where nearly two-thirds of the students are Hispanic said, “My second-graders are scared. They’re scared of being sent back to their home countries. They’re scared of losing their education. As their teacher, I hug them each day to let them know they are safe and they are loved.”

Students seem “emboldened”

The gains made by years of anti-bullying work in schools have been rolled back in a few short months. Teachers report that students have been “emboldened” to use slurs, engage in name-calling and make inflammatory statements toward each other. When confronted, students point to the candidates and claim they are “just saying what everyone is thinking.” Kids use the names of candidates as pejoratives to taunt each other.

If marginalized students are fearful and hurting, it’s partly because other “students seem emboldened to make bigoted and inflammatory statements about minorities, immigrants, the poor, etc.,” wrote a high school teacher in Michigan.

Teachers in New Hampshire—where the first primary was held—reported some of the greatest increases in disturbing behavior. One high school teacher from Westmoreland wrote, “A lot of students think we should kill any and all people we do not agree with. They also think that all Muslims are the same and are a threat to our country and way of life. They believe all Muslims want to kill us.”

Muslim students—along with the Sikh and Hindu students who are mistaken for Muslims—have endured heightened levels of abuse. According to reports from around the nation, Muslim students regularly endure being called ISIS, terrorist or bomber. These opinions are expressed boldly and often. Even in schools where such behavior isn’t tolerated, current-events discussions often become uncomfortable for teachers and Muslim students.

The harassment of students who are immigrants or children of immigrants is another particular problem, because nearly one-third of U.S. public school students have foreign-born parents. Teachers in every state reported hostile language aimed at immigrants, mainly Mexicans. A Wisconsin middle school teacher told us, “Openly racist statements towards Mexican students have increased. Mexican students are worried.” A middle school teacher in Anaheim, California, reported, “Kids tell other kids that soon they will be deported.” Regardless of their ethnic background or even their immigration or citizenship status, targeted students are taunted with talk of a wall or threats of forcible removal.

Neither are the slurs limited to schools with immigrant populations. “At the all-white school where I teach, ‘dirty Mexican’ has become a common insult,” a Wisconsin middle school educator said. “Before election season it was never heard.” Indeed, what teachers described—slurs and negative comments repeatedly directed at particular students or groups of students—is essentially the definition of bullying. In recent years, a large swath of the American public has been alerted to the dangerous effect of bullying on school children. It affects health, academic achievement and, in some cases, leads to self-harm. As a result of efforts at both the state and federal levels, schools now have comprehensive policies and programs to prevent and address bullying. In many schools, these programs have made a real difference in creating a culture of respect. The educators who reported that the election wasn’t having too much of an effect cited their school’s values and commitment to civility.

In other places, much of that hard work—achieved over years—is being undone. A Michigan middle school teacher described an exchange that followed an anti-bullying assembly: “I had students tell me it [insults, name-calling, trash talk] isn’t bullying, they’re just ‘telling it like it is.’”

Or, as a New Mexico high school teacher lamented, “Any unity developed by Mix It Up at lunchtime has flown out the window.”

It’s not just that “they seem to talk more smack,” as one Sacramento, California, elementary teacher wrote. The campaign has actually become part of the new bullying vocabulary. One New Orleans teacher told us, “Students have used support of candidates as a ‘dis.’”

We heard reports that both elementary and middle school students have taken to chanting, “Trump! Trump! Trump!” in a “taunting tone.” Others cited an increase in the use of words like loser and deadbeat. The bullying crosses party lines. An Albuquerque, New Mexico, middle school teacher identified “an anti-Trump bias” among her students, “and ridicule for those who might support Trump.”

Behavior is harder to manage—and explain

Teachers report an increase in anger and “acting out” among students and a decreased ability to engage in civil discourse. Discussions turn into shouting matches, verbal hostility and sometimes even fights.

“Students have become very hostile to opposing points of view, regardless of the topic,” a Jefferson, Georgia, high school teacher wrote, adding, “Any division now elicits anger and personal attacks.”

In Pampa, Texas, where 50 percent of the students are Hispanic, “The word ‘Trump’ is enough to derail a class,” reported a middle school teacher. Especially in middle school, where behavior is notoriously hard to manage, discourse spirals quickly into anger. We heard multiple accounts of students yelling at each other, and “increased hostility in conversations between students.” A New York City middle teacher put it succinctly: “Students on both sides are angry.”

Angry words can escalate quickly. “My fifth-graders got in a fist fight on the playground yesterday,” a Queens, New York, teacher wrote. “It started when one of the boys quoted Donald Trump.”

Clearly, educators want to prevent those kinds of fights while encouraging a lively exchange of ideas in healthy debate. One of the goals of education is to teach students how to make persuasive arguments, support opinions with facts and listen to the perspectives of others. Those goals are out the window in many classrooms. A Biddeford, Maine, middle school teacher observed that, “Students are quick to become accusatory and condemn others for having a different point of view.”

Another middle school teacher in Indiana wrote, “Students are more apt to get into shouting matches than to have a discussion about something.”

For some students, this level of conflict is hard to handle. “A student said he’d prefer another Obama term, and it angered another student who has been vocal about her support of Donald Trump,” a Texas high school teacher said. “The angry student began yelling, ‘What is the matter with you?’ and ‘This is why I HATE people.”

While the increased tension sends some students into tears, other, often older students, are more likely to find the campaign a springboard to adolescent humor. The comments indicated that students in middle and high school, especially boys, seem to have a hard time distinguishing between entertainment and politics. Not only do they see the campaign, the candidates and the debates as a joke, but they’re missing the fact that something significant is happening.

“My students seem more interested in the campaign this year, but only in the same way they are interested in circling a couple of kids who are about to fight on the playground,” wrote a sixth-grade teacher from Roseville, California. “It is pure entertainment.” A Boston high school teacher laments, “Our students see the whole presidential campaign as a game, with the real common people having no real input.”

Sometimes a joke just isn’t funny, and students are learning that the hard way. A Chicago elementary school teacher reported, “Some of the first-graders were talking about who their parents voted for. One jumped in, apparently as a joke (because the students are old enough to know that Donald Trump is an easy butt of a joke), and said ‘What about Donald Trump?’ His friends, not realizing he was joking, proceeded to yell at him until he cried.”

A consistent theme from teachers across grade levels was that their students understood the behavior on display isn’t okay. Middle school students on New York’s Long Island “are confused as to how certain campaigns have been allowed to promote racism, violence and hate.” And high school students in Lake Worth, Florida, display “lots of negativity about the candidates and the way they speak” and “discuss the immaturity of some of the rhetoric presented by adults.”

Or, as a middle school administrator from Omak, Washington, commented, “Students do not understand why this has become such an angry and dishonorable campaign. They are taught better behavior by their teachers, and then they see this mess on TV and are confused.”

The (Intentional?) Silence of the Republicans

Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump speaks on stage during a campaign rally in Fredericksburg, Virginia, U.S., August 20, 2016. REUTERS/Carlo Allegri - RTX2ME90

Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump speaks on stage during a campaign rally in Fredericksburg, Virginia, U.S., August 20, 2016. REUTERS/Carlo Allegri – RTX2ME90

Last night, in Time Capsule #88, I noted the deafening silence of Republican officialdom, after Hillary Clinton delivered her calmly devastating indictment of Donald Trump’s racist themes.

After this frontal attack on their own party’s chosen nominee, the rest of the GOP leadership said … nothing. The cable-news Trump advocates were out in force, but senators? Governors? Previous candidates? Wise men and women of the party? Crickets.

A reader who is not a Trump supporter says there’s a logic to the plan:

I think you might be missing the GOP strategy here regarding Sec. Clinton’s bigotry speech, and the fact that no Republican came forward to defend Donald Trump. Republicans know that she spoke the truth—the indefensible truth about Donald Trump—and they want to squelch any discussion about it. That’s what they are doing.

Because they don’t want this speech on the airwaves, debated on panels, over several news cycles, with more and more of the dirty laundry getting debated in the mainstream news cycles, leading the Nightly News with dramatic music. Screaming headlines. Any any—ANY—statement by a Republican will trigger that discussion that no GOPer wants.

The mainstream news guys are sitting there at their email boxes, waiting, waiting, for statements, so they can write a piece on it. Benjy Sarlin mentioned it on Twitter, which you probably saw. [JF: I have now] And a couple of other journos, agreed.

But without some outraged statement from Ryan, Cruz, anybody, the mainstream journos have nothing to write about, there is no news cycle, no panels, no screaming headlines, no multi-news cycle. Just a Wow! Clinton gave a rough speech!” End of story. And that’s the strategy. Bury this story. And it’s working.

That’s how the GOP handles this kind of story. And it works just fine, every time. The mainstream journos can’t find a both-sides hook, and they are nervous about this alt-right stuff anyway, so the story dies. Journos fear the brutality of GOP pushback. So it goes. Every. Time.

Contrast that with the non-story about the Clinton Foundation. Every GOPer was sending out a truckload of statements to keep that story going. Chuck Todd has stated in the past that he—they—have no choice but to write about whatever the GOP is upset about because they all put their shoulder to the wheel. And the GOP always has something for journos to write about. Controversy! And no fear of brutality from the Democrats. That’s how that goes.

That’s why we hate the media. Still. Even more than ever.

Last night, in chapter #81 of the Trump Time Capsule series, I argued that Donald Trump’s recent “outreach” to black voters amounted to talking about African Americans as a problem group, rather than to them as part of the “us” of America.

Reader Jamie Douglas, who is black, writes in to disagree. I am leaving in some of the complimentary things he says about non-Trump articles I’ve written, because they provide context for what he doesn’t like in my recent political coverage. After his message I’ll summarize why I see things differently.

Over to Jamie Douglas:

I’ve read many of the articles you published about the new China.  I lived in Sichuan and Guizhou for several years (from about 2000-2005) and your articles, I felt, focused on things that Americans really needed to understand about where China was and is headed.  Other journalists spent way too much time in Beijing writing about the machinations of the Communist party, and in doing so, they missed the real story.

I’m not writing today about anything related to China. Rather, what concerns me is your coverage of Donald Trump. I’m a black American from New York. My parents immigrated to Brooklyn from Grenada in the 1960s. And I wholeheartedly support the Trump campaign.

You’ve made it clear that you think Trump would be a disaster and that he has to be stopped. Trump inspires strong feelings, and from what I knew of you, I would have been shocked had you not been strongly opposed to his campaign.

I’m surprised, though, by how willing you are to do the easy thing and focus on Trump’s many gaffes, his off-putting braggadocio, and his very nontraditional tactics. There is a bigger story here and I’m still waiting for a journalist of your stature to address it. I believe that someone capable of writing something as honest and introspective as, “What Did You Do In the Class War, Daddy?”  is very much able to produce a similar piece honestly analyzing Trump’s appeal and the visceral dislike that you and your colleagues in the media feel for him.

Jim Hamblin argued this week that Donald Trump is “a climax of American masculinity.” A reader has a different take:

I’d strongly argue that Trump’s bullying, hyper-aggressive persona isn’t “masculinity,” but rather what immature males confuse with masculinity. I grew up surrounded by “men’s men”—first on the farm, then working construction and commercial fishing. I’ve met plenty of men who were confident and comfortable in themselves, and who managed to be masculine without being ignorant, belligerent assholes. Hell, the nicest guys I know do things like fix heavy machinery in Russian oil fields, freeze their assess off on fishing boats in the Bering Sea, and risk their necks in the logging industry in Canada. They’re badass guys who would never dream of bullying someone for any reason, much less their gender or religion or perceived weakness.

So, I think that what we see in Trump’s supporters is what happens when males grow up in the absence of these sorts of men for role models.

If you grew up without a mature man around—if the men in your life were the emotionally immature type that seems to be increasingly common—and you got your male role models from the media, then yeah, you may think that the measure of a man is how loud he can yell, how much he can make others cower, or how big his junk is.

Those of us who grew up seeing emotionally stable and mature men go about their lives see those types of males for what they are: scared, immature boys who never progressed to true manhood, and are stuck forever in adolescence.

So my diagnosis is exactly the opposite of the author’s; Trump isn’t a “climax of American masculinity, he’s the nadir. He’s the leader of a sub-nation of manchildren for whom “masculinity” is just a set of behaviors to which one clings, with desperation, out of the adolescent’s overwhelming fear of being perceived as weak.
Or as another reader more succinctly puts it, “Trump is a spoiled, petulant, insecure 12-year-old’s idea of ‘manhood.’”

One way to deal with petulant bullies:

In the Trump Time Capsule series, I have noted once or twice, or a million times, that “responsible” Republicans like Paul Ryan and Mitch McConnell are embarrassing themselves and their party by continuing to stand with Donald Trump as potential Commander-in-Chief.

Jorge Guajardo, a Mexican citizen who on his Twitter feed has been mercilessly mocking Trump for his anti-Mexican remarks and other excesses (and whose Twitter photo shows him with Khizr and Ghazala Khan in Philadelphia), now argues that indirectly Ryan and McConnell might still serve a higher national good.

Guajardo is well connected in Mexican politics; he was involved in the campaign of Mexico’s former president, Felipe Calderon, and then served under Calderon as Mexico’s ambassador to China. (That is where my wife Deb and I became friends with him and his wife Paola; they have also served as guest writers in this space.)

LIFE MORE ABUNDANTLY ® The Power of an Enemy



“No weapon that is formed against thee shall prosper; and every tongue that shall rise against thee in judgment thou shalt condemn. This is the heritage of the servants of the Lord, and their righteousness is of me, saith the Lord.” {Isaiah 54:17}4

Let me start by establishing this truth-enemies cannot defeat a born again Christian that is obedient to the Word of God. If you’re abiding in Christ, He Himself is your refuge and your fortress. There is no need to be fearful of anything or anyone. In essence, enemies have no power over you. They cannot hurt you, harm you, hinder you or prevent you. But while enemies that come against you will not prosper, they do have a purpose in your life. They are very beneficial to your growth and development. And sometimes they are your actual path to promotion.

“David said moreover, ‘The Lord that delivered me out of the paw of the lion, and out of the paw of the bear, He will deliver me out of the hand of this Philistine.’ And Saul said unto David, ‘Go, and the Lord be with thee.'” {I Samuel 17:37}

King David wasn’t always a king. In fact, he wasn’t an heir to the throne. He was a shepherd boy that spent his time in the fields watching over sheep. His pathway to the kingdom was paved with enemies. Most remember Goliath, the giant soldier that threatened the entire army of Israel. We all know that David defeated that enemy. But sometimes we forget that his faith for overcoming Goliath was founded upon earlier battles that he had faced. Because God delivered him from them, he wasn’t intimidated by Goliath in the least. The Bible says that he ran towards Goliath in the battle. And the rest is history.

“Ye shall not need to fight in this battle: set yourselves, stand ye still, and see the salvation of the Lord with you, O Judah and Jerusalem: fear not, nor be dismayed; to morrow go out against them: for the Lord will be with you.” {2 Chronicles 20:17}

We are far removed from the battles that David had to fight. But we still have the same enemy. The Bible tells us that we do not wrestle with flesh and blood. Although people are the conduits, the real enemies are in the heavenlies. Those are battles that we cannot fight. But we have a Savior that sits high and looks low. We have a God Who is Almighty. He is King of kings and Lord of lords. His kingdom rules over all. And with Him on our side, we can rest in peace knowing that He will secure our victory for us. We can trust Him. He is faithful that promised! And He will bring our victory to pass.

“And we know that all things work together for good to them that love God, to them who are the called according to His purpose.” {Romans 8:28}

So while we have enemies that come against us, let it all work for our good. Let it build your spiritual faith muscles as God shows Himself strong on your behalf. And the more you are attacked, the more you get to practice love and forgiveness. The more you’re lied on, the more you can practice controlling your tongue to bless them that curse you. The more you are persecuted, the more opportunity you have to withstand the need to justify yourself before men. After all, isn’t God the only true judge? You learn to keep silent and save your best energy to focus on moving forward in God’s call on your life rather than fighting battles that God has already won that only came to distract you in the first place.

“My brethren, count it all joy when ye fall into divers temptations; Knowing this, that the trying of your faith worketh
patience. But let patience have her perfect work, that ye may be perfect and entire, wanting nothing” {James 1:2-4}

Enemies in and of themselves have absolutely no power over you, but they can work for your good. They can build your character, your faith, and even your trust in God. So let your enemies make you better and not bitter. Remember that warfare is par for the course for a Christian that’s walking in their destiny. Don’t expect it to be a cake walk. God never told us that it would be easy. But He did say that we could be of good cheer. So when you next enemy comes against you, laugh and rejoice. Your salvation and promotion is drawing neigh.

Saints of God, walk in your blessings and be confident of this very thing–that if God be for you, who can be against you.

~Dr. Andrea D. Oates

The Electoral Process, Black Votes And A Message To The Grassroots

Honorable Minister Louis Farrakhan

Honorable Minister Louis Farrakhan

I came here tonight to talk about the electoral process and the Black vote. In the book of Revelation, it reads, “And the nations were angry, and thy wrath is come, and it is the time of the dead, that they should be judged,” or given justice. The nations were angry. All the nations of the earth today are angry. And the Book says, “and thy wrath is come.” If you can look at what is happening globally and then focus in on what is happening in America, it is obvious that the God of nature is angry.

Now, dear brother and sister politicians, our people are angry and they are hurting. You and I may meet in this beautiful place and go home to a beautiful home or a decent meal, but our people feel a sense of hopelessness and despair. On BET television the other day, host Tavis Smiley said they called a number of persons asking them about getting out the vote. He said 70 percent of the Blacks that he called said they are not voting because it doesn’t seem to change anything. You call it apathy.

Mrs. Hillary Clinton came here yesterday and stood with our brother, the Rev. Jesse Jackson, at Operation PUSH and she said we must vote because our future depends on it. I’m sorry, but my future doesn’t depend on a vote. My future does not depend on a benevolent White person in the White House or in the mayor’s mansion or in the governor’s mansion. We must get past looking to a benevolent Caucasian to save us. They have not saved us and they will not save us, because they cannot save themselves.

I would love for us to go to the polls. Vote for those persons that you feel have done and will do as good as they can for us. But I want all of the politicians and political hopefuls to realize that politicians have never delivered the people of God.

David was a prophet and a king. He was political, but his spiritual side overpowered his political side, so his politics were governed by his relationship to God. If you are just going to be solely a politician, then you can only go so far, because the political system is a system of White supremacy. If the system is a system of White supremacy and you don’t change the system, then you must try to fit in the system and extract from the system what you can for yourself and your people. But you must know by the reality of the system that there is only so much you can extract out of that system for yourself and your people, because no matter what power you have, you are still powerless.

Wasn’t it Frederick Douglass who said, “Power concedes nothing without a demand?” Power isn’t going to concede anything with a demand if the demand is not backed by power. You are not dealing with a moral system; therefore, you cannot appeal to the morality and the heart of mercy in a system that is merciless. I don’t have any illusion about telling you to vote. You should vote for those whom you feel will do good for us, but remember, the good that they do is limited by the system that they are in.

So the question becomes, how do we empower our politicians to make them stronger and better in their desire to serve their people? All of our politicians are good. But the system will make you like itself, unless there is a pool of Siloam (Bible) that you can take a bath in. When we, the Muslims, enter the electoral process, we are not entering this to be like what we see. I would be a hypocrite if I told you we are going to get out the vote and it is going to be business as usual. Our people are angry and they will hurt those of us in leadership who deceive them and play games with their true aspiration for real liberation.

According to the polls, the 1996 presidential election was the lowest turnout for a presidential election since 1924. It dropped by approximately six to eight million votes from 1992 to 1996. America is going all over the world selling them on democracy, and the hallmark of democracy is that we have the right to elect and select those who would lead us. But now, we in America, the American electorate, are dropping out of the most important part of being in a democracy—the voting process.

Now how can we change this? I want to talk to the pastors who are supposed to be the freest people because we have congregations that support us. Nobody in the state should feel that they have us in their hip pocket. You are God’s man and God is universal. You may be the pastor of Cosmopolitan, St. Sabina, Fernwood or Mosque Maryam. These are small congregations, but you are speaking for a big God. When you are speaking for a big God, how could you just be concerned with your little congregation that you would sell out to get a little crumb here and a little crumb there? You are God’s people, and when you speak for God, you don’t speak just for your congregation, you speak for the suffering masses. Whether they are in your church or not, they are your congregation if you truly represent the God of heaven.

I just can’t speak for Muslims. It is not Muslims who are aching alone. Our people are aching and they need us to be a strong advocate for their suffering. You have to stay free in order to keep them strong and clean. But if you (pastors) get bought out, how are they going to stay straight and the men and the women of God have been corrupted? We are the watchmen on the wall. You (political leaders) are, too. You watch with a political eye, we watch from a spiritual eye, but we are supposed to be the watchmen for the people that vote for us.

The sad thing is the people vote, but they don’t give you politicians the money to run your campaigns. So here comes big business seeking to buy you off. They say, “how are you, judge, alderman, congressman, reverend? What can I do for you today, reverend?” You must be strong enough to say, “you can’t do anything for me.” You’ve got to be like Jesus, when Satan took him up on the mountain and showed him all that Satan had. Satan said, if you would just bow down to me, I will give you all of this.

We have to be careful about who we bow down to. When you (pastors) get in your congregation and talk about a powerful Jesus who sits at the right hand of the Father with all power in His hand, but then you go with your hat in your hand to the governor, mayor or president begging for some crumbs, then you have sold your God cheap and you make the White man downtown disrespect all of us.

All of us need something and God knows that the mayor can help us all in some small way. The governor can help us, the president can help us, but at what price? God is God. And if you say God is able and He has power over all things, then why don’t we trust Him? All I’m saying is we have to be better leaders as ministers of God. I’m speaking of myself and you and us. I’m not trying to hurt anybody’s feelings. We have to help our politicians.

At the Million Man March, we said we wanted to create a third political force, taking Republicans, Democrats, whatever persuasion you may be. We have got to form a force for the year 2000, so that we can leverage our demand with power to extract from the governing bodies what is in the best interest, not for a few of us, but for the broad mass of our people.

I know that we benefited from Rev. Jackson’s presidential campaign in 1984. That man was so inspired of God that he electrified the whole world of people of color, because we saw our brother stand toe-to-toe with the best of them and he came out on top. But when our brother went to the convention with this anti-Semitic label hanging on him, they put him in a weakened position, so that he couldn’t put pressure on the party. So what we got were crumbs from the master’s table.

He ran again four years later and did much better. He registered more people for the Democratic Party than anybody had ever done, and what did we get out of it? We got Ron Brown, Governor Wilder, Mayor Dinkins, new congress persons, sheriffs, state legislators, but that’s a few positions at the top.

What did the masses get? What about the old lady that stood in the rain to vote, what did she get? The joy of seeing a Black face as mayor of New York, but a mayor that was more concerned with what was happening in the Jewish community than what was happening in the community that sent him the power? But then we lost our mayor in New York by 60,000 votes. We lost a mayor in Los Angeles. We lost our mayor here in Chicago, Mayor Harold Washington.

But I have got to give Mayor Washington credit. Some of you want a vote and you know that God has blessed me with the people, but you won’t even ring my doorbell. You can’t even sit down and have a cup of coffee with me and say, Brother Farrakhan, could you help me? You want my help, but you don’t want White folks to know that you want my help. But not Mayor Washington. Harold Washington knocked on my door. Harold Washington came in my dining room and sat down and broke bread with me. And Farrakhan had never voted. He said, “Brother Farrakhan, I need your help.” I said, “Congressman, you have my help.” He stayed with me for 40 minutes, had a little breakfast and left. But he left a mark on my heart. And while everybody was condemning me, they kept putting the microphone in Mayor Harold Washington’s face, and the mayor never once condemned Louis Farrakhan, not one time.

We are going to form a political wing that monitors everybody that we send to any official position. Since you come from us, your service should be to those from whom you come. The way you vote should be important to us.

Every 90 days we must call a town meeting. You have got to come back from Congress, you have got to come down from the judges’ chambers, you have got to come in from the state senate, and you have got to sit down with your constituents and tell us why you voted this way and how you want us to help you to do your job better. Tell us how much money you need, so that big business people that want to give you money to control your vote and tell you how to vote, you can tell them you are not interested in their money.

The Million Man March was not a Muslim thing. It was Muslims, Christians, Nationalists, Hebrews and others working together. That’s what made it happen. It was a family working together. And so, my dear family, when you leave here, go tell our brothers and sisters that it’s a new day, it’s a revolution. Tell them that we want to create, not only a political revolution, but a spiritual revolution in America. I pledge to our political brothers and sisters our support, our love and our desire to help you be as strong as you want to be and to put power behind your demand. Nobody is going to take the Black vote for granted again. May God bless you that are running for re-election; may He bless you to be re-elected. May He bless you once re-elected to fight for justice for those who are deprived. Take no mean price for justice, because every time we fail to do justice, we set up judgment on ourselves and on others. …

Thank you for listening and may God bless you as I greet you in peace, As-Salaam Alaikum.